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Amarinder announces jobs for children of soldier killed by Pakistan forces

TARN TARAN: Chief Minister Amarinder Singh today announced jobs for the son and the daughter of JCO Paramjeet Singh, killed by Pakistani forces at the LoC recently, during a visit to the family’s home here.

The state government will appoint the soldier’s 16-year- old daughter Simrandeep Kaur as a Naib Tehsildar, and his son Sahildeep Singh (12) as an Assistant Sub-Inspector, after they complete their education, he said at Vein Poin village.

The CM also said his government would soon table before the Cabinet a comprehensive policy standardising compensation rules for Punjabis, working with of any force, who lays down life fighting for the nation.

Paramjeet Singh of the 22 Sikh Regiment was beheaded by Pakistani special forces near the Line of Control (LoC) in Poonch sector on May 1.

Amarinder said the jobs for the two children, which the family had sought from the government, would be in addition to the compensation already announced for the family.

The state government had earlier announced a compensation of Rs 12 lakh for the family– Rs 5 lakh for the widow and the children, Rs 2 lakh for parents, and a plot worth Rs 5 lakh.     

Another Rs 1 lakh was announced for renaming the local rest house in the soldier’s name.

The Chief Minister also announced a school and a stadium in the area in the name of the martyred jawan.

The younger daughter, Khushdeep Kaur, has been adopted by an IAS-IPS couple from Himachal Pradesh.

Asked if the government was not discriminating against the third child of the deceased, he said it was not possible to provide individual compensation to every family member, but he made it clear that all promises made to the family would be fulfilled and more help would be granted if needed.

He also alleged that the central government was not doing enough for the forces manning the country’s borders.

Tough steps need to be taken to prevent recurrence of such brutal killings at the border and India should retaliate with thrice the force to any incursions, he said.

The Chief Minister was accompanied by Cabinet colleagues Rana Gurjit Singh and Navjot Singh Sidhu, as well as Punjab Congress president Sunil Jakhar.

 

 


Calcium Tablet: To Take or Not To Take—That is the Question!

A lot has been said about Calcium supplements, Its benefits, and reasons for consumption etc…Is it Good or Bad for health?

Calcium Supplements
Calcium Supplements

 

Common misunderstood facts:

  • Calcium intake can reduce the risk of Fracture
  • Calcium supplements are very much necessary
  • One can consume it without any Medical Prescription
  • Postmenopausal and age-related bone loss and the associated increase in chances of fracture can be avoided by taking Calcium Supplements.

The below post summarizes our current understanding of benefits and risks of calcium supplements intake.  

 

Key points to remember

  • Women in the age 19 to 50 years and men in the age 19 to 70 years should minimum take 1000 mg per day; women older than 50 and men older than 70 require 1200 mg per day. Calcium intake above 2500 mg per day (2000 mg per day in persons >50 years of age) should be avoided.
  • Adequate calcium intake is important for skeletal health at all ages. Inadequate calcium intake in adults is common, particularly in men and women older than 70 years of age, and is associated with increased bone loss and an increased risk of fracture.
  • Calcium-rich foods and beverages are the preferred approach to ensure adequate calcium intake. There is insufficient evidence to recommend routine calcium supplementation in community-dwelling adults, but supplements should be considered when dietary intake is inadequate.

 

Potential Benefits of Calcium Intake

  • Strengthening & maintain Bones
  • Lowers blood pressure
  • Reduces risk of colon cancer
  • Reduces symptoms of premenstrual syndrome (PMS)
  • Standard for treating and preventing osteoporosis — weak and easily broken bones — and its precursor, osteopenia.
  • Used to control high levels of magnesium, phosphorus, and potassium in the blood.
  • Aiding weight loss.
Back

 


Defence not getting due share; India must learn from Israel, China: General Bipin Rawat

New Delhi: Army chief General Bipin Rawat on Thursday said that the defence sector is not getting its due share even as the Indian economy is developing, adding that India should learn from China on this count.

Calling it an “economy-security deficit”, he said: “There is a general thinking that expenditure on defence is a burden on our economy… we need to appreciate that defence and economy go hand in hand.”

Chief of Army Staff General Bipin Rawat. PTI

“A strong military will help in ensuring stability along the border, within the nation and hinterland. That will help develop the economy,” General Rawat said while speaking at a book release event in New Delhi.

The Army chief said a strong force is required to ensure the safety of people and those who are investing.

“This is a deficit that remains. While we are developing our economy, the military somehow is not getting its due share,” he said.

“We need to learn from China. While they were developing the economy, development of military is a part.”

A parliamentary panel, in its report tabled in Parliament in this year’s Budget session, had said that budgetary provisioning for the Army is critically short and is likely to adversely affect the modernisation and operational preparedness of the force.

The Army chief said that India needs to form alliances so that it can encircle its western and northern neighbours.

Calling partition a historic deficit, he said: “India had reach up to the Middle East, but with the creation of Pakistan there has been a break.

“We have to now look at new alliances — whether it is through Iran, Iraq, and Afghanistan. It not only helps us in creating two-front dilemma for our western neighbours, but also encirclement of our northern neighbour from the west.”

“While we talk of our own encirclement, we have to look at counter-encirclement of some of our adversaries. Developing alliances to overcome this deficit is important,” General Rawat said.

He also said that India should form alliances that can get it into the United Nations Security Council.

“Other part of security deficit is creating alliances so that we find our rightful place in the Security Council. Time has come for India to have a say in all that happens in the United Nations,” he said

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The (un)social media The ongoing ‘online battle’ in Kashmir Valley is subject to abuse.

The  (un)social media

Trust is the single most significant casualty in Kashmir. Trust-deficit amongst the various stakeholders is manifesting in the ongoing battle of the ‘online’ domain. Social media is equally, an instrument of empowerment, as it is, of abuse. The concept of ‘sousveillance’ which entails the recording and the subsequent public mainstreaming of an activity, by a participant (or witness) to an activity, is the latest weapon in Kashmir to ensnare the opponent, amongst the conflicting parties. The recent Arab Spring saw an invaluable role of social media in shaping the contentious street debates that facilitated the “mobilisation, empowerment, shaping opinions, and influencing change.” The demonstrated ability of the social media to instigate, inflame or activate public opinion is beyond doubt. Moral outrage is the standard currency of exchange, when a video surfaces showing armed CRPF jawans maintaining utmost restraint in the face of constant heckling and extreme provocation by Kashmiri youths, similarly, videos of a Kashmiri stone-pelter tied to an army jeep as a ‘human shield’, against further mob frenzy, is an exact opposite optic of the ground situation. Both incidents are realities of the ground situation that get contextualised differently depending on whose side of the argument, one is. However, in a conflict zone that has already borne an internet sensation in Burhan Wani, the expanded use and abuse of social media are inevitable.  The accompanying ‘morality play’ is the reflexive and reductive consequence of these situational virals that find themselves on the public platforms like WhatsApp, Twitter, Facebook, and other means of ‘forwards’ that are then, given a more expanded context. Immediately, the binary of ‘us versus them’ plays out from Kanyakumari to even Peshawar, with justifications of individual perspectives that readily invoke rationales of uber-patriotism, secessionism to hopelessness. But, terrorism in a ‘moral state’ like India is a complex business that necessitates almost utopian demands on the security forces in the face of deathly danger, whilst, suggesting a certain ‘accommodation’ and ‘understanding’ of the provocative and deadly acts by the ‘misguided youth.’ That these ‘misguided youth’ have no Geneva Convention or moral grandstanding to honour, invariably leads to a societal angst and ire that divides opinions on the security forces in the country. This ‘online battle’ in the Valley is an unequal one with the scales tilted strongly in favour of the militants versus the security forces, as the soldiers have an operational code-of-conduct, national/international policies and considerations, and even certain institutional instincts that invariably ties-back one hand of the soldier in the Valley. Adding to the pent up pressure on the sword-arm of the executive i.e. Armed Forces, is the mandated ‘silence’ following any act, operation or situation that leaves the institution virtually voiceless in the face of a public barrage of questions and perceptions. The political executive, especially in the Kashmir Valley is the last to stand-up for any operational consideration of the security forces – this, unfortunately, leaves the field to the equally regressive hyper-nationalists to defend the forces on the social media platforms, with often misplaced and political logics, that wrongfully posture as the perspective of the security forces. Reality is that the Chief of the Indian Army Staff has actively engaged in discussions with the Governor, Chief Minister of J&K, NSA, besides his own top brass to take stock of the situation – a prudent assurance to take timely action against the personnel is delicately nuanced with an unmistakable steel in his words when he echoes the denominator principle, “The local youth should understand the security forces are showing restraint, which should not be misconstrued as weakness. Instead, the security forces are showing patience and are giving them an opportunity to shun violence”.  To say any less or to the contrary would have equated the Armed Forces to the ‘misguided youth,’ on human rights violations – this is consistent and unequivocal stand the Indian soldier pays to uphold the tenets of a ‘moral state.’  While the Indian Army ‘saves’ the lives of the trapped paramilitary personnel in the ‘human shield’ incident, they face the parallel ignominy of a FIR registered against the involved unit. The Army has rightfully clarified that it does not approve of the tactic deployed in the incident. It is aware of the selective umbrage expressed by the valley politicians, every time a soldier errs. If anything, the Army is paying the price for political mismanagement that goes back many decades and accounts for political parties of all denominations, without exception. Political engagement and rapprochement is clearly missing from the Valley – Kashmir is not a ‘military’ creation, and neither does it have a ‘military’ solution, solely. It is important to the state that the Indian Armed Forces (unlike Pakistan) do not have an independent ‘will’ of their own other than that of the Government. The institution has a formal system of redressal and penalty whenever an act of omission or commission occurs. Contrary to the voices of jingoism, the Armed Forces do not take a political or personal stand on any issue. It is a professional body that is designed for kinetic operations, subject to the laid down conditions. In Kashmir, the Armed Forces have an extremely disadvantageous position of partaking operations for which they are not fundamentally designed (where the administration, politicians and the police forces have already thrown in the towel), where the local politicians make ingenious commentary on the forces and the locals make the Indian soldier the leitmotif of their frustrations. Yet, the model conduct that warrants certain behavioural action like officers leading from the front explains why, unlike any other Armed Forces (including US, Russia, Israel, or UK) the officer-to-soldier fatality ratio is the highest for the Indian Army. But, errors happen, and they are not condoned by the institution, even if contextually there could be a justification (like in the ‘human shield’ case). It is this unwavering and almost inhuman existence by the Indian soldier that needs recognition. ‘Online battles’ are a new reality that will only increase, but it is not just the stone-pelter who has only failed his Indian soldier – it is the local politician, the administrator, and the state police officials that have allowed the situation to deteriorate to such an extent, that the last man standing in the ‘Olive Green’ is only expected to hold-up to the exacting standards, when everything else around him has failed. While this is how it should be, neither the ‘state’ nor the ‘misguided youth’ (or their benefactors on both sides of LOC) can claim a record, remotely close to that of the Indian soldier, despite wrongs like ‘human shield’, that get more than their share of screen and mind space. (Lt Gen Bhopinder Singh (Retired) is Former Lt Governor of Andaman& Nicobar Islands & Puducherry. The views expressed are strictly personal.)

Read more at: http://www.millenniumpost.in/opinion/the-unsocial-media-239308


Judiciary’s limitations Kashmir dialogue not that simple

NO matter how good or benign its intentions, the Supreme Court cannot always produce solutions to knotty problems, particularly those requiring executive expertise and handling. Lack of relevant inputs at times hampers understanding of a situation, more so, if it is Kashmir. On Friday a Supreme Court Bench headed by Chief Justice JS Khehar could not resist the temptation to try a Kashmir solution even if it meant venturing beyond the judicial Lakshman Rekha. The Bench told the petitioner — the J&K Bar Association — that it could direct the suspension of the use of pellet guns by the security forces in the Valley for two weeks if an assurance was given that there would be no violence and stone-throwing. No political or other grouping at the moment wields such influence in Kashmir as to end street protests or violence. None of the stakeholders are interested in talks. Even well-meaning, neutral interlocutors’ efforts have born no fruit. Rejecting the J&K lawyers’ demand for “unconditional talks” with the jailed Hurriyat leaders, Attorney-General Mukul Rohtagi said, and rightly so, that “it was not for the court to commence a dialogue, but for the political parties.” Not just to the court, the A-G’s response, reflecting in part the Centre’s Kashmir policy, was also a rebuff to Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti, who had after a meeting with the PM sought a Vajpayee-like intervention and resumption of talks with the separatists.  The Supreme Court’s well-intended peace efforts are a misplaced foray. It is time to recall and remind ourselves what the then Chief Justice, TS Thakur, had observed just a year ago. Dismissing on July 25, 2016, a petition seeking the apex court’s direction for introducing moral education in schools, the Thakur Bench observed: “It is unrealistic for the court to assume that it can provide solutions to vexed issues which involve drawing balances between conflicting dimensions that travel beyond the legal plane. Courts are concerned with issues of constitutionality and legality… Every good that is perceived to be in the interest of society cannot be mandated by the court. Nor is the judicial process an answer to every social ill….” Judicial overreach is not always helpful or welcome.


Capt, 2 soldiers die in Kupwara attack

Majid Jahangir

Tribune News Service

Panzgam (Kupwara), April 27

A Captain and two soldiers were killed and five others injured when militants carried out a fidayeen attack on an Army camp in Kupwara district today.Two of the militants were gunned down while one managed to escape from a well-fortified Army garrison during the early morning gunfight. Later in the day, the Army allegedly fired at protesters seeking bodies of the militants, killing one and injuring three others.The spacious artillery garrison on a perch surrounded by huge mountains at Panzgam, close to the Line of Control (LoC), was stormed by militants from the rear side of the camp by cutting the barbed wire. After storming the base at the crack of dawn, the militants attempted to enter the living area of the camp. “As they sneaked in, they started running towards the living area of the units in the garrison.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)“The alert sentry fired at them and ensured they do not enter the living area. Taking advantage of the darkness, the militants started moving inwards where the Quick Reaction Team (QRT) fired from all directions, forcing them to withdraw and run towards the exit of the garrison,” said Col Saurabh Joshi, Commanding Officer of 312 Artillery, at a press briefing hours after the attack. “They were pushed out effectively and two of them were killed,” he said, adding that the operation ended within 35 minutes. Col Joshi said the third militant was injured. “He left his weapons and is on the run. Several teams are looking for him in the adjacent village,” he said.He said three AK-47 rifles, nine magazines, 47 AK rounds, 50 pistol ammunition, one UBGH, three UBGL grenades, three hand grenades, two radio sets and some food items were recovered from them.The slain were identified as Captain Ayush Yadav, 26, from Jajmau in Kanpur (UP), Subedar Bhoop Singh Gujjar, 46, from Dausa, Rajasthan, and Naik Bhoota Venkata Ramana, 38, from Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh.Col Joshi said the militants seemed to be foreigners, though their identity was being established. This is the first fidayeen attack on an Army base in J&K after the Nagrota attack in November last year.  As the combing operation at the garrison was on, a group of youth and women from neighbouring villages gathered around 500 metres from the Army camp and demanded the militants’ bodies. The situation worsened around 3.30 pm when the youth hurled stones at Army vehicles. The Army opened fire on the protesters, killing a 70-year-old man and injuring three others. The civilian killing sparked fresh tension in Kupwara as clashes were reported from various places. 70-yr-old killed as Army opens fire on protesters 

  • A 70-year-old man was killed and three others were injured when the Army opened fire on a group of protesters hurling stones at Army vehicles, demanding the militants’ bodies
  • Eyewitnesses said they raised pro-militant and anti-India slogans

 


Sukma Again: There Is No Option But To Train Better And Lead Better

Sukma Again: There Is No Option But To Train Better And Lead Better

SNAPSHOT

India’s security forces must learn to shed their ego and train together more often for better institutional training.

This is perhaps the only way to avoid a repeat of the Sukma ambush.

This article has a deep sense of anguish and regret behind it. The author empathises with the families of the 25 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) martyrs, who lost their lives in the ambush at Sukma, Chhattisgarh on 24 April, and expresses his deep condolences.

Nothing written in this analysis casts any aspersions on their martyrdom under stressful conditions of hybrid combat. This is a professional stocktaking of a negative event, something necessary to ensure that it does not happen again. We have seen too many of such incidents occur under similar circumstances and that is what brings up the urge to inform the public about the hazards of fighting an insurgency in the jungles and the remote rural areas, and how institutional or other errors must be avoided to maintain domination and prevent casualties.

Many years ago while serving the United Nations in Rwanda, Africa, we were in the midst of a cordon and conducting a search operation on a large Hutu camp, which was reported to have some presence of rebels and weapons.

One of the international contingents serving under my command stopped answering the radio at 12.30pm. After much distress about their safety, I drove to their location only to find that the entire unit was taking a lunch and a snooze break. I had to swallow hard to shake off my anger but soon realised it’s “to each to his culture”.

Media on 25 April reported, that a full company of 74 CRPF battalion was at lunch when it was ambushed. I do not believe what the media has reported, but the mere mention here is sufficient to send home a message that if there is an iota of truth in this then surely we are far from where we could control this insurgency.

The fact remains that the turbulence in Jammu and Kashmir will always sway the imagination of the public. It’s a movement based on proxy support, from across the Line of Control (LoC), and involves threats to the integrity of India since it is separatist in nature.

The naxalite/Maoist insurgency has received attention in spurts and mostly when there have been large scale casualties. The public knows that no part of the so-called Red Corridor is going to separate from India.

Also, there is no issue which generates as much passion as religion does, and this is not about religion, it’s about another ideology. It’s time Indians wake up and realise the threats within the heartland causing nationwide heartburn in the most frustrating way.

Some conceptual issues first.

Each time there is a major emergency situation, there is demand for deploying the Army in the Red Corridor.

Former home minister P Chidambaram wanted that too, by repealing the Armed Forces Special Powers Acts (AFSPA) from Jammu and Kashmir, so that the Army can no longer be deployed there.

The then Army chief strongly opposed the idea, and the rationale behind his resistance, which has often been written by me, needs to be retold.

It is quite simple. When the Army is deployed in counter-insurgency operations in the rimland states, it has to be the lead agency in charge. That’s because there is scope for secession and change of boundary which must be prevented at all cost. Secondly, in a festering insurgency, which may go on for years, the Army has to ensure that there are enough measures in place to protect its administrative installations such as ammunition dumps and logistics areas, which it cannot simply leave to rear area security under a civil defence system.

In the heartland, there are no such compulsions. Besides, the Army committed to heartland operations is left out of battle if the borders were to activate. If deployed in the rimland that disadvantage ceases to exist.

So the heartland, which is where the Naxal areas are, will need to be handled by the Central Armed Police Force (CAPF) which can be supplemented by other forces that have the necessary experience.

The CRPF was designated as the core force for counter insurgency operations in the country by the Kargil Review Committee, a recommendation endorsed by the Group of Ministers (GoM) and approved by the Union Cabinet.

It has undertaken the tough responsibility and partially succeeded against many odds.

The worst thing at this time is for people from different forces to pick holes and criticise the CRPF. Being from the Army, I am conscious of a couple of things regarding such operations, which I have been fortunate enough to have experienced in plenty.

I will make every effort to make this a critique and not criticism. The Army too suffered heavy casualties last year in Jammu and Kashmir, and its kill ratios plummeted for the first time in years. However, the casualties were mostly administrative in nature.

There was never a case of a patrol, road opening party or search and destroy element which was adversely affected by militant action except for the recent case of 44 Rashtriya Rifles (RR) when a returning convoy of troops was duped and ambushed at 2am. It also needs to be mentioned that the CRPF’s adversary is known to fight in the strength of 300-500 and that’s when it succeeds. It does not require an equal-sized force to match the strengths of militants. The force has to be agile, well-armed, equipped, trained and led; the last being the most important.

I can recall how 9 Para SF, one of the most accomplished units of the Indian Army, operated in Sri Lanka against the best-trained cadres of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

From it, I learnt that the most valuable ammunition in the jungle are the 84 mm high explosive rockets. If caught in an ambush in the wilderness, firing this at close range, in air burst mode or against the trees had the LTTE scamper for cover. The SF men sacrificed water and rations in their packs to carry an extra rocket each.

Units which learnt these untaught strategies succeeded in neutralising the LTTE, others suffered just as the CRPF units continue to suffer.

Let me make this clear, the CRPF units have never lacked courage or perseverance in the face of odds. It’s just that the officers training them have never had the opportunity to witness some professionally conducted operations.

I am aware how much my unit had to experiment and that too under the leadership of a Commanding Officer, who was a hard taskmaster but encouraged innovation at every step. No one is going to appreciate paeans being sung to the Army, which also has suffered casualties in the recent past but, admittedly the institutional correction system works a little better in the Army. This is particularly when it comes to the operational aspects, not in the field of administrative security measures which continues to bedevil all the forces in India.

In the jungle terrain cutting across state boundaries, there is no other resource as useful as helicopters. Unmanned aerial vehicle or UAVs are fine, but the helicopter gives an added advantage. It’s not easy to penetrate thick foliage for telltale signs, but helicopters are also deterrents.

I many times attribute the reasons for some of our very successful operations in Sri Lanka to the presence of Air Force and Army Aviation’s rotary resources. The Ranjit helicopter, crude as it had a great effect in the jungles when the MMG mounted on it fired at cyclic rates into the foliage. The response of a Ranjit is many times faster than an MPV-based quick reaction team on the ground which has to move along an expected route and beat back ambushes awaiting it.

The CRPF has been seeking an aviation arm and needs to be given one. It’s not as if it will become effective overnight. Aviation culture takes many years to sink in.

In the interim, this is where the Army Aviation and Air Force need to step in to provide operational support. It’s the frustrating inability to get our act together in the field of helicopter acquisition that may be hampering the operational effectiveness of a force which we love to blame for everything.

It has been an ad nauseum that the CRPF is headless for the last two months. Procedurally, it makes a difference, but at the lower level, this is no reason for a tactical lapse.

There are far greater reasons than all this, and they dwell primarily on the concept of operations and employment of resources. In an encounter seven years ago, a naxalite force of 300 militants killed 75 jawans of the CRPF and decamped a large number of weapons and explosives. This time they have repeated it.

In the jungles, militants who know the terrain like the back of their palms can attack using routes unknown to the force. Obviously, the local unit and sub-unit has little idea of intelligence and cultivating local sources.

Not everyone has a knack for doing it; there are a few who are extremely good at it. The Border Security Force (BSF) follows a very efficient system of keeping their G section representatives in an area for many years. Many of them have operated with me, and I was amazed by their depth of knowledge and acumen. This is where inter-force lessons need to be learnt.

Unfortunately, in India, inter-force lesson learning is a rarity due to the king-sized egos of senior officers. I never hesitate to state that the BSF and sometimes the Special Operations Group of the Jammu and Kashmir Police have taught me lessons I could never learn elsewhere. It is the disdain for each other’s effectiveness that acts as the obstacle towards learning, and it goes right up to the level of ministries.

I continue to believe that the bane of institutional weaknesses in India’s security forces is the lack of continuity in passing it on. The Army is equally bad at it and is often left to reinvent the wheel.

This is despite the presence of such outstanding facilities for institutional learning, research and recall such as the Army War College. The police forces have their academies and that wonderful institution the National Police Academy of which I too am an alumnus. In 1991, I attended a course there and gave a talk on my experience of operating in Sri Lanka. The faculty and the students loved it, listening to the experience of a member of another force.

Today, 25 years later, that level of interaction should have gone up 20 times. Instead, it has regressed to a level of zero. I remain one of the lonely Army speakers at the institution.

There are a lot of responses to this unfortunate incident but hardly any mature and constructive ones. If we have to do away with the Indian Police Service (IPS) making senior appointments of the CAPFs, it’s going to take a decision of statesmanship and won’t happen in a hurry.

Even if it does, it will take many years for a new CRPF leadership to emerge. It’s the interim we are concerned about, and national security cannot be held ransom to the cadre management of police forces. We simply have to get over this one way or the other and stop the ostrich attitude.

To ward off any criticism for not having given more useful recommendations. Let me recommend a few which have been given many times before. Firstly, I think the Sukma area can be treated as a unique sector. Let us induct a Para SF unit here on a demonstration basis. But SF needs the reassurance of backup and confidence in that.

Perhaps an Assam Rifles (AR) sector with three AR units could be superimposed. The RR sectors have a greater conventional operational role and with the situation as it is in Jammu and Kashmir, shedding a valuable resource from there may not be appropriate.

The superimposed deployment model is not something strange and has been in existence in the Valley for long.

Secondly, a flight of armed helicopters should be provided to the sector. The logistics of this sector for both the AR and the CRPF be done on the Operation Pawan model where the road was opened only once in two to three weeks, and the normal maintenance was by helicopter.

Thirdly, more UAVs be made available by the Army and Air Force; it’s good operational training if nothing else.

Fourthly, intelligence be taken by the horns. Let this be the focus area under a single agency with operational and training deployment. The intelligence operatives must have long-term deployment and be adequately compensated.

And lastly, India’s security forces must learn to shed ego and train together more often for better institutional training.

My regret for the loss of Indian warriors and Indian lives, but let us seriously train and operate together with greater synergy.


Sajjan at Naval Command HQ

Sajjan at Naval Command HQ
Canadian Defence Minister Harjit Singh Sajjan with Indian Navy Vice Admiral Girish Luthra at the Western Naval Command headquarters in Mumbai on Saturday. Photo courtesy: twitter

Mumbai, April 22

Canadian Minister for National Defence Harjit Singh Sajjan visited the Western Naval Command headquarters here today.Sajjan interacted with Vice Admiral Girish Luthra, Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief Western Naval Command, a Defence spokesperson said. “The minister highlighted areas of congruence between India and Canada and the need to further enhance cooperation between both nations. The discussions looked at continuing the current level of military interactions and the possibilities of increased cooperation,” he said.The current regional and global security environment and the opportunities it afforded both India and Canada to work together formed part of the talks, the spokesperson said.The enhancement of maritime and naval cooperation and the visit of Her Majesty’s Canadian Ship (HMCS) Winnipeg were also discussed.HMCS Winnipeg will visit India in mid-May and will carry out professional interaction and Passage Exercise with Indian ships, the spokesperson said.“The minister also visited the Navy’s indigenous guided missile destroyer, INS Kochi. He was taken on a conducted tour of the ship. He appreciated strides being made by India in their indigenisation efforts,” he said.“India and Canada are poised to enhance defence cooperation in fields of counter terrorism, cold climate warfare, peace keeping and naval cooperation,” the spokesperson said. — PTI 


Now, fly Shimla to Delhi in Rs 1,920 Air link after four-and-a-half years; PM to flag off flight from Jubbarhatti airport

Now, fly Shimla to Delhi in Rs 1,920
A view of the Jubbarhatti Airport in Shimla. file Photo

Pratibha Chauhan

Tribune News Service

Shimla, April 21

A one-hour flight costing Rs 1,920 will now ferry passengers from Shimla to Delhi or vice versa. It is after a span of over four-and-a-half years that the state capital will again have aerial connectivity.The inaugural flight will be flagged off by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on April 27 from the Jubbarhatti airport, near here, at 11.45 am. To begin with there will be a daily flight (ATR-42) of Alliance Air, a subsidiary of Air India from Delhi to Shimla and back.RK Choubey, Union Secretary (Civil Aviation) and Ashwani Lohani, Chief Managing Director, Air India, today flew down to Jubbarhatti airport to oversee the launch of the flight by the Prime Minister. The possibility of another private airline also starting a flight from Shimla cannot be ruled out. There have been no scheduled flights from Shimla since September 2012 though chartered flights, including the one of the Army and Air Force, have been landing here on and off.However, the fare of Rs 1,920 will only be on 50 per cent of the total seats as the other half would be available on flexi rate which could fluctuate anywhere from Rs 5,000 to Rs 20,000, depending on demand. While on its way from Delhi to Shimla, the plane will ferry 35 persons but on the return journey, it will carry only about 15 to 20 passengers owning to a shorter runway.Resumption of flights to Shimla has been possible under the Government of India’s Regional Connectivity Scheme (RCS), where smaller and unconnected routes are being provided aerial connectivity on nominal rates of less than Rs 2,500 for a flight with one hour or less duration.The resumption of flight has come as a big relief to the tourism industry as high-end tourists were very apprehensive about travelling by road, which was very strenuous and taxing.The start of the flight coincides with the tourist season which has picked up with the mercury soaring. “Hoteliers and travel agents, however, feel that one flight would be insufficient to cater to the demand of tourists as well as locals. “The start of the flight is a welcome step but one flight is insufficient so the possibility of roping in another airline should be explored,” said Naveen Pal, president of Shimla Travel Agents Association. Similar sentiments were echoed by Harnam Kukreja, President of Shimla Hoteliers Association.Two children from a local orphanage will enjoy the flight from Shimla to Delhi and return as a goodwill gesture.


The new scheme

  • Resumption of flights to Shimla has been possible under the Government of India’s Regional Connectivity Scheme (RCS)
  • Under the scheme, smaller and unconnected routes are being provided aerial connectivity on nominal rates of less than Rs 2,500 for a flight with one hour or less duration.
  • The resumption of flight has come as a big relief to the tourism industry as high-end tourists were very apprehensive about travelling by road, which was very strenuous and taxing.

 


Jadhav a pawn as Pak plays mischief by Syed Ata Hasnain

Jadhav was arrested under unexplained circumstances, with even the location remaining unrevealed.

Kulbhushan Jadhav. (Photo: PTI)

 Kulbhushan Jadhav. (Photo: PTI)

No one in India had really paid too much attention when Pakistan had announced last year that it had arrested a spy working for the Research and Analysis Wing, India’s external intelligence agency. Kulbhushan Jadhav, a retired Indian Navy officer, was picked up by the Pakistani agencies under unexplained and implausible circumstances. Such things keep happening between estranged nations. But putting such a detained or arrested person through a field general court martial (FGCM), and then sentencing him to death, can throw up a storm bigger than what Pakistan may have envisaged. My limited knowledge of the law indicates the FGCM is something like India’s SGCM, where the word “field” is replaced with “summary”. Such GCMs are meant to be conducted under field circumstances but also need confirmation from a superior authority before being executed. In our case, the court of appeal is the Armed Forces Tribunal, which comprises a civilian judge and a senior retired military officer. In Pakistan’s case, it is the Military Appellate Tribunal, that only has serving military officers. The Pakistan Supreme Court can be moved and an appeal made to the President of Pakistan, but given the standing of the Army chief in that country it is doubtful if any of these will yield results.

Jadhav had been denied consular access for the entire period that he has been in Pakistani custody, in gross violation of the Vienna Protocol on Consular Relations, which lays down the procedure for protection of arrested persons in foreign countries. In fact, his prosecution had been authorised by the Pakistan Army chief. The strange thing is that he was treated as a serving military officer and Pakistani military law invoked, despite the fact he had taken premature retirement way back in 2001. The entire episode is so murky that these allegations would never withstand international scrutiny. But we aren’t dealing with a normal state but an extremely irrational one called Pakistan. One can expect everything irrational, including probably a fast-track execution of Jadhav, an unfortunate pawn in a larger strategic game.

Jadhav was arrested under unexplained circumstances, with even the location remaining unrevealed. One version is that he was kidnapped by the Taliban and sold to Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence. Many other versions exist. Jadhav was not an active Indian Navy officer, he had taken premature retirement in 2001 and was now a businessman running dhows to Iran’s Chabahar port. Pakistan had alleged he was an active R&AW agent on an undercover mission to spread turbulence in Balochistan and target the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in particular. The arrest, the charges and the apparent hurry to announce the verdict and sentence together all have reasons.

On March 3, 2016, when Jadhav was arrested, the Chabahar issue was being pursued with great vigour by India in the run-up to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Tehran to sign the historic trilateral deal with Iran and Afghanistan. It worried Pakistan greatly as this was a strategic manoeuvre by India for access to Afghanistan, Central Asia and Russia’s North-South Corridor. Pakistan’s relevance was being marginalised. It used the indirect ploy of planting in the mind of Iran’s leadership that India’s presence would contribute to its greater support to Balochs, a large segment of whom are also in Iran. It was also a plan to plant into the minds of China’s planners that India would go to any extent to target CPEC and thereby create greater disaffection for India. Although Jadhav was virtually given a clean chit by Iran’s ambassador to Pakistan and by many others of the diplomatic corps in the region, he was an excellent pawn to be exploited at an appropriate time. It is not unusual that cases of alleged spies usually drag on for years and they languish in jails amid high-decibel appeals by human rights activists and their families. But Jadhav’s case goes way beyond that, and is a deliberate conspiracy for long-term strategic gains. Any Indian working out of Chabahar or any Iranian city closer to the Pakistan-Iran border could have fitted the bill for kidnapping, but with homework and research the ISI’s luck was in place to find a former Indian armed forces officer in a place which suited its mission. To keep it all under wraps, he was portrayed as a serving Indian intelligence officer, and by a strange interpretation of laws Pakistan’s Army Act was applied to him. The public admission shown on television by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Public Relations wing proved to be a mockery, with jerky sentences and cuts in his alleged admission.

The second part of this sordid drama has now come up. Apart from the proclaimed verdict and sentence, it is the circumstances which catch the eye. A retired Pakistani lieutenant-colonel has apparently disappeared from Lumbini in Nepal. It is yet premature to link this event with others. However, strategic minds working overtime in Pakistan are looking at every possible angle of enhancing disaffection between India and China. With the Dalai Lama’s visit to Arunachal Pradesh drawing Beijing’s ire, it is the time to give that impetus, reminding China about India’s intent against CPEC. Pakistan’s action is also designed to drive home the message that it has the strategic advantage, with India unable to protect its own citizen; cocking a snook as it were.

India’s relations with Pakistan are likely to dip to another nadir and public disaffection will be high, considering the emotions let loose on the social media.

With its ability to calibrate the violence in Kashmir and attempt to portray India in poor light, Pakistan also aims to dilute the perceived strength of the current Indian government, which is at a high internationally, more so after the recent Assembly poll results. The proof of the pudding is in the eating.

If the threat to execute Jadhav is actually carried out, many across the world will be watching the Indian response. The government may be compelled to take public sentiment into account. If so, we are staring down an abyss of another major confrontation with Pakistan. Let us hope saner counsels prevail in Islamabad, and for that matter at the general headquarters in Rawalpindi.