Lt General Asim Munir has also served as the commander of the Force Command Northern Areas. He was conferred Hilal-i-Imtiaz in March 2018.

Lt General Mukhtar assumed the office of the ISI director general in December, 2016.

Jammu, November 13

The Army has procured special anti-mine boots for troops deployed along the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir with the twin aims of facilitating domination of the landmine-infested forward areas and hot pursuit of terrorists if necessary, a top Army officer said.

As part of the counter-infiltration grid, the soldiers have to get into forward areas for domination and at times even undertake hot pursuit of the terrorists and subversive elements, General Officer Commanding of Jammu-based, 16 Corps, Lt Gen Paramjit Singh said in an interview.

“We have purchased equipment such as anti-mine boots and deep search metal detectors out of the special funds to facilitate these operations and at the same time ensure the safety of our soldiers,” he said. He said the forward areas along the LoC under 16 Corps — a length of nearly 250 km of rugged terrain and dense bushes — had inherent landmine dangers but all preparations, including safety precautions, had been taken for carrying out the operations. He was replying to a question about activation of landmines near the anti-infiltration obstacle system and subsequent casualties in which a Lt Colonel and a jawan were injured on October 28. Referring to recent incidents of two soldiers, including an officer, getting injured in anti-personnel mine blasts, the General said in both cases they had stepped on drifted mines. “Fortunately, they were wearing anti-mine boots, which limited the damage to their feet and the limbs were saved,” he added. — PTI

The Indian Army HQ claimed in a paper that the reforms proposed by Indian Army chief General Bipin Rawat would usher in a ‘revolution in military affairs’.

New Delhi: Indian Army chief General Bipin Rawat’s proposals for radical reforms that restructure the soldiery are facing opposition from within the force, sources at the Army headquarters have told ThePrint.

At least two of seven Indian Army commanders have “expressed reservations” on cadre and force restructuring that aim to bring down manpower and eliminate structures such as a division in peace stations.

An Army commanders’ conference that began here Tuesday will be discussing the issues. General Rawat has scheduled Sunday, 14 October, the concluding day of the meeting, to brainstorm four studies on the reforms.

Also read: Indian Army reforms: Cutting administrative flab or needless downsizing?

“As part of the conclave, commanders and directorates at the Army headquarters will in a collegiate deliberate on important studies that have been ordered to meet future challenges,” said an official statement from the Army.

“There are four studies examining operational and optimisational issues of the Army and the headquarters as also human resources management aspects,” said the official statement.

“We are in the middle of a churn,” said one officer involved in the studies, “There is an academic debate that is on. It is okay to differ so long as you don’t throw a spanner in the works.”

Equivalent in rank to the vice-chief, Army commanders have full authority over their areas of responsibility. Any reform proposal, or any command from the headquarters, must have their full participation to be executed.

The seven Army commanders now are Lt General Manoj Mukund Naravane (East), Lt General Ranbir Singh (North), Lt General Surinder Singh (West), Lt General Cherish Mathson (South West), Lt General Satinder Kumar Saini (South), Lt General Pattacheruvanda C. Thimayya (Army Training Command) and Lt General Abhay Krishna (Central). The vice-chief is Lt General Devraj Anbu.

‘Less tail, more teeth’ 

In August, the Army headquarters circulated papers summarising the proposed reforms, saying they aimed to cut the ‘teeth-to-tail ratio’. In the statement on the conference, it added that the studies to be discussed “aim to improve the teeth-to-tail ratio, with the purpose of strengthening the structures within the Army to make it combat ready for the future”.

The teeth-to-tail ratio is the number of support personnel required to sustain units of combat soldiers. The lower the number of support personnel — the “tail” — the more the resources available to make the combat soldiers – the “teeth” – more efficient.

The Army headquarters claimed in a paper that the proposed reforms, which included an effort to restructure the cadre for the first time in 35 years, would usher in a “revolution in Indian military affairs”.

Among the most debated issues within the force that is also expected to dominate discussions at the commanders’ conference is the proposal to eliminate divisions and create “integrated brigades” or battle groups that report directly to corps headquarters.

A corps is the largest field formation in the Indian Army. Usually, a corps has about three divisions, a division has three brigades, and a brigade has three battalions. The numbers vary depending on the operational area.

Also read: Indian Army chief wants to revolutionise the military — by cutting manpower

Currently, a corps is commanded by a Lt General, a division by a Major General, a brigade by a Brigadier. This hierarchy could change if the proposal for integrated battle groups (IBG) is implemented. An IBG would be headed by a Major General, according to one proposal. This could make the rank of Brigadier redundant. Each IBG would have four to five battalions.

The Army commanders’ conference is held twice a year. The October conference also includes promotion boards that select officers for the senior ranks of Brigadier, Major General and Lt General.

Pathankot, November 12

Army chief Bipin Rawat on Monday said while the government’s policy was that those triggering terrorism in Kashmir should be neutralised, the Army’s focus was to ensure that the Kashmiri youths do not join militancy.

The Army chief said infiltration was going on from across the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir.

“The government has a clear cut policy that it will not allow terrorists to create violence. Anybody who creates violence will be neutralised,” he told reporters here.

Rawat, who was on a two-day visit to Pathankot, presided over a conclave of disabled soldiers here.

“Our focus is terrorists in the valley. The basic aim of the Army is to ensure that young boys do not join militancy,” he said.

Rawat said the Army’s aim was that it approached the youth’s family and told them that they could ask the youth to surrender as it was still giving them a chance.

“Then if the people still do not behave and continue with violence, then the alternative left (with us) is to neutralise them,” the Army chief said.

Asked whether India is following a tit-for-tat policy towards Pakistan, which was resulting in many casualties, Rawat said the policy keeps on changing.

“See we have to keep changing the policy…We have keep doing something different. It has to be reviewed so that we keep ahead of adversary,” he said, adding that it had to be more than a tit-for-tat policy.

He said what the Indian Army was doing along the LoC was not being put into public domain and they were doing more than Pakistan.

“We do not want blow our trumpet unnecessarily. Whenever they do something, it is given a befitting reply. Whenever they are doing something, it is a reaction. They don’t take initiative. They know we are strong and we can take strong action,” he said.

The Army chief said Pakistan kept sending terrorists to cause damage and ultimately it led to violence against the people.

“Kashmiris are our people. We have to look after them,” he said, adding Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh regions were part of the country and violence would not be allowed there.

On sniping, Rawat said it was a regular affair and there was nothing new in it.

“Pakistan have got snipers and India also has snipers. It is subject to exposure of any soldier. Our drills should be good and we have to ensure that we do not give them any opportunity to snipe at us,” he said.

On former chief minister Omar Abdullah and Kashmiri politicians advocating for dialogue instead of muscular policy, Rawat said the government had a clear policy that it would not allow terrorist to create violence. He said it had already initiated dialogue through an interlocutor with the people.

“The government has tasked an interlocutor to speak to the people in valley. Dineshwar Sharma is saying that he is open to everybody and those interested in talking to him can come up and speak to him,” he added.

“I don’t understand who is saying talks are not going on. Sharma is the government’s interlocutor. If the people are not listening to him, what can he do,” he asked.

He said they were holding indirect talks to see if they could approach stakeholders.

“What makes us think that necessary action by the government is not being taken to bring people into mainstream”, Rawat questioned. He said infiltration attempts were being made from across the border but the Army was out to foil them. – PTI

The artillery has always been a battle winning factor. It possesses the ability to strike deep with great accuracy and cause maximum damage to even well-constructed shelters and bunkers. This was evident in Kargil when it pulverised enemy bunkers on hill tops, making the task of assaulting infantry easier. However, Indian artillery for long, lacked equipment with increased calibre and range thus reducing its ability to shape the battlefield and cause large scale destruction.

Other than the Bofors inducted in 1984, it possessed the 130 mm guns inducted in the 1960’s and 70’s and the 105 mm, home developed and manufactured field guns of the 1980’s. The 130 lacked the ability to fire in mountains and the 105 lacked range. Both guns fired limited type of shells with lesser level of fragmentation. The Bofors scandal was the basic reason behind restricting modernisation of the artillery.

The ghost of the Bofors was visible to AK Anthony behind every door all through his tenure as the defence minister in the Manmohan Singh government. He was so spooked that he cancelled ‘Request for Proposals’ soon after they were issued and on one occasion even ongoing trials. Every time anyone mentioned kickbacks, procurement deals were scrapped. The biggest loser all through his tenure was the artillery, which post the acquisition of Bofors, remained way behind in desired capabilities.

The calibre implies the length of the barrel, which is one of the factors to determine the maximum range of the equipment. Finally, after a gap of 30 years, the artillery is now being modernised. In a ceremony this week in Deolali, the home of the gunners, in the presence of the defence minister and the army chief, the artillery will induct two new guns.

The guns being inducted are the K9 Vajra and the M777. Both are of 155 mm, with the Vajra being a tracked self-propelled gun and the M777 a light weight howitzer which can be carried underslung by a helicopter. Both guns can fire upto a range of 30 kms. The quantity being inducted are 100 of the Vajra and 145 of the M777. The Vajra is 52 calibre, while the M777 is 39.

The Vajra is a variant of the South Korean K9 Thunder and is being manufactured by L and T defence. 10 guns were bought from South Korea and the balance are being manufactured in the company’s plant near Pune. Twenty-five M777 guns would be imported in fly-away condition and the balance 120 would be manufactured by Mahindra Defence.

The Vajra is destined for the plains and deserts and would form part of the strike corps. Being self-propelled they would operate alongside armoured formations and provide much needed firepower. For a long time, these formations lacked requisite firepower with matching mobility. There were attempts at mix and match including mounting the 130 mm barrel on an Arjun tank chassis, but all these had limited success.

The M777 is ideal for the mountains where with its light weight, better manoeuvrability and helicopter-portability, it can be deployed faster and far more forward enhancing the engagement range. Thus, they would enhance firepower in a region where spread of deployment restricts fire support to troops holding ground in the defensive role.

There are other modernisation programmes in the pipeline for the artillery. Last week, ordnance factories were given a contract for upgrading 300 vintage 130mm guns to 155 mm/ 45 calibre. These would then equip 15 artillery regiments. This upgrading is to be completed by 2022. The upgradation involved changing the barrel, adding new sighting and loading systems, enabling better accuracy and enhanced rate of fire.

The upgrading costs 70 lakhs per gun and is one-fifth the cost of a new piece. Once upgraded, the range of the gun would increase from its present 29 Kms to 39 Kms. Its lethality would also increase by 300% as the new shell would have 8 kg of TNT as compared to 3.4 earlier. These would be employed in the plains and desert sectors.

Simultaneously trials are on for the Dhanush artillery guns, the Indian version of the Bofors, based on the transfer of technology from the original manufacturer, AB Bofors. These are also 155 mm/ 45 calibre. In case the trials are successful and there are no major shortcomings, firm orders would be placed for 300 Guns.

In addition, the Advanced Towed Artillery Gun System (ATAGS) is also in the process of different phases of trials. This is another 155 mm/ 52 Calibre gun system being developed jointly by the DRDO in collaboration with the private sector. The private concerns involved are Bharat Forge, Tata power strategic engineering division and Mahindra defence naval systems. The gun during its earlier trials had set a world record of 48.074 Kms for a gun of its calibre. This has recently been surpassed by a new weapon system being developed in the US. An initial order for 40 is expected.

The latest to commence trials is the Mounted Gun System, developed by the Gun Carriage Factory, Jabalpur. It was first displayed at the Defexpo in Chennai in April. The system is also 155mm/ 52 calibre, mounted on a multi-wheeled truck and can be deployed and prepared for firing much faster. It has a range of 40 Kms.

How many of the coming gun systems would the artillery purchase is yet to be confirmed. If not in service within the country, these could always be exported enhancing India’s military exports.

The artillery, which for decades was languishing behind in firepower and capability, is now witnessing a boom. All the guns now either under trials, procurement or development come under the ‘make in India’ or ‘made in India’ category. Opening doors to the private sector has witnessed a change in the artillery profile and could also be similar for all other equipment.

Pushing the DRDO into a corner compelled them to seek collaboration with the private sector for better technology. It has succeeded, though pitfalls and failures have occurred during the trials. These would be rectified, and the artillery would obtain new guns, which it had been seeking for decades.

Long range missiles would remain under the strategic command. This could alter response to ceasefire violations by Pakistan. With longer ranges and integrated target acquisition capabilities, the ability to target Pakistani posts, bases and terrorist camps in greater depth would exist. With better ammunition, possessing higher fragmentation, the damage would also be far more devastating.

Finally, the battle winning arm would now come of age and be able to change the nature and quantum of support to the assaulting forces. It would also change the force ratio along the LoC and cause more damage to Pakistan if it attempts any misadventures. The induction of these guns would also compel Pakistan to go into an arms race, which it can ill afford.

Smita Sharma

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, September 29

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Addressing the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly in New York on Saturday, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj lashed out at Pakistan for glorifying terrorists and killers. “In our case, terrorism is bred not in some faraway land, but across our border. Our neighbour’s expertise is not restricted to spawning grounds for terrorism, it is also an expert in trying to mask malevolence with verbal duplicity,” Swaraj said, focusing on cross-border terrorism.

“Pakistan glorifies killers, it refuses to see the blood of innocents,” she remarked, alluding to postage stamps released by Islamabad in July commemorating Hizbul commander Burhan Wani, among others. India had cited the killing of security personnel, including a BSF jawan, whose throat was slit, as well as the release of the stamps when it called off talks with Pakistan. However, Islamabad had argued that both had occurred prior to the announcement of talks by New Delhi.

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“We are accused of sabotaging the process of talks. This is a complete lie. We believe that talks are the only rational means to resolve the most complex of disputes. Talks with Pakistan have begun many times. If they stopped, it was only because of their behaviour,” Swaraj declared.

Pakistan Foreign Minister SM Qureshi, in an interaction with a prominent think tank, had claimed that PM Modi and his government had developed cold feet after accepting the talks offer along the UNGA sidelines because of “domestic and electoral compulsions.”

India and Pakistan have not had a structured dialogue since 2012. Swaraj also cited the case of Pakistan Permanent Representative to the UN Maleeha Lodhi displaying photographic proof of “human rights violations” by India in Kashmir last year which later turned out to be from another country.

In her fourth address to the General Assembly on behalf of the BJP-led NDA government, Swaraj urged the need for the global community to deliver on the long-pending Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT) .

“In 1996, India proposed a draft document on CCIT at the UN. Till today, that draft has remained a draft because we cannot agree on a common language. On the one hand we want to fight terrorism, on the other we cannot define it.”

She broadly spoke about sustainable development goals as well as India’s commitment to the Climate Change Treaty.

Time and again Pakistan keeps talking about the use of tactical nuclear weapons against the Indian forces if any attempt is made to enter its territory. Pakistan’s clamour in fact grew louder ever since it came to fore that India has something called as the Cold Start doctrine which is said to be an offensive plan of the Indian forces intended to quickly mobilise forces and subdue Pakistan before it even considers nuclear retaliation. This is is said to be a plan of swift multi-pronged attack in the event of conflict.

Pakistan has hinted in the past that it would not hesitate to use tactical nukes if Indian forces advance. Pakistan’s short range missle NASR is the weapon that the Islamabad boasts of whenever the issue of Indian aggression comes up.

A tactical nuclear weapon (TNW) or non-strategic nuclear weapon is a nuclear weapon, generally smaller in its explosive power, which is designed to be used on a battlefield situations, in contrast to strategic nuclear weapons which are designed to be mostly targeted in the enemy interior away from the war front. Tactical nuclear weapons are of the range of 20-60 km with the blast radius of 3-5 km. These are developed to be used as deterrent against aggression on the border and not for a full-fledged war.

Pakistan claims that NASR can carry nuclear warheads of low yield with high accuracy. Pakistan has also claimed that it was designed to overcome missile defense systems.

Hypothetically speaking, if Indian Forces do enter Pakistan’s territory and Islamabad does indeed use tactical nukes then it would also be risking the lives of its own civilians as the device would detonate in Pakistani soil.

Another thing is once Pakistan uses a nuclear weapon in any form, Indian retaliation would be unimaginable as New Delhi will not be bound by ‘No First Use’ policy. India had declared ‘No First Use’ (NFU) as a policy; Pakistan is averse to it and feels that NFU in principle negates its deterrence advantage against India. Pakistan’s nuclear weapons are intended to compensate for conventional forces which is largely believed to be lagging behind India.

India’s options against Pakistan’s Tactical Nuclear Weapons ::

What Pakistan must keep in mind is that India has fairly developed secondary strike capability. India has ballistic missiles with nuclear warhead that can be launched from submarines in short notice. Pakistan can rest assured that any use of nukes- tactical or strategic – the retribution will be swift, severe and devastating threatening its very existence.

A tactic that India can use is to get closer to populated areas in Pakistan which would force Islamabad to think of collateral damage if a nuke device is used in its own territory. Indian Army can use this tactic to negate Pakistani nukes by inserting divisons in densely populated Pakistani regions like Punjab. If Pakistan resorts to battlefield nukes then it would effectively endanger its own population also making Pakistan lose its status and face in international society and will create a soft spot for India.

Use of assets like QR-SAM, S-400 and Akash Surface to Air missile can effectively negate Nasr. But, that would require careful and effective surveillance about where NASR would be fired from and how it can be met mid-air with air defence systems.

Best would, however, be for India to hit the locations where NASR missiles are deployed with conventional short range weapons. It must be considered that since NASR is aimed at stopping advances, it would be stored at locations close to the border and not in some remote area like strategic nuclear missiles. Again, effective intelligence and precise prior knowledge of military installations would be essential.

Most numerical strengths quoted in these write ups are erroneous — they relate to light divisions, which do not exist in the Indian Army except in the counter-insurgency forces of the Rashtriya Rifles. (Representational photo)

There was a time when the Indian Army’s structural and organisational changes took place under considerable secrecy. No longer. Every other day, ill-informed reports appear, mostly authored by writers who may never have understood the legitimacy and time-tested standing of some organisations, ranks and appointments, which contribute to the army’s command and control and decision-making. Two recent reports related to reorganisation are being questioned and discussed by India’s military community.

The first seeks the elimination of the one-star rank of brigadier with potentially the two-star rank of major general being considered for the first level of command above the unit level. It also speaks of the intent to have all officers of the army superannuating at least at the rank of major general, by time scale or selection. Another report, which appears to flow from the first, relates to the operational and organisational restructuring of the army. It reflects how a study is being undertaken to remove the division headquarters (HQ) from the hierarchy of formations that exercise command and control.

Most numerical strengths quoted in these write ups are erroneous — they relate to light divisions, which do not exist in the Indian Army except in the counter-insurgency forces of the Rashtriya Rifles. Indian Army divisions are usually never less than 17,000 in strength (as against the reported 10,000) as they also have units of all Arms and Services. One report states that the proposals include retaining the division HQ and the division as an entity only within 15 and 16 Corps in J&K, the three strike corps, 1, 2 and 21, and the mountain strike corps, that is about 16-18 divisions not including the counter-insurgency forces.

First, a comment on the manner of the change. The proposals are obviously budget-driven because the current, and potentially future, defence budget (1.47 per cent of the GDP) cannot support an army of 1.3 million without seriously affecting funds for capital expenditure. Second, the approach appears driven more by personnel management than capability based upon real threats. The idea is to have more appointments in the rank of major general by tailoring command appointments with resources half-way between what a one- and two-star officer currently commands. With this it is intended to have more officers achieving aspirations of two-star rank, with commensurately lower responsibility.

Such organisational changes do not occur through permutations and combinations to suit personnel management but rather on the basis of conceptual and doctrinal trials. A prime example was the creation of the Reorganised Army Plains Infantry Division (RAPID) in 1987, which brought about the induction of an armoured brigade into selected infantry divisions and other changes to meet Pakistan’s expanded armoured threat. It was the culmination of a long study and examination commencing in 1975 with the Experts Committee headed by Lt Gen (later General) Krishna Rao, with Maj Gen K Sundarji (later General) as a member.

No doubt the army leadership is going by the rationale that in view of tactical nuclear weapons being introduced in the battle zone, the parameters have changed. Smaller formations with just 4-5 infantry battalions with some matching support will present smaller targets and retain the capability to strike up to limited distances, as against the concept of deep thrust, defunct in a battlefield with a nuclear overhang. Another rationale in support of the proposed changes is a doctrine many armies around the world are favouring: Swarming by multiple small forces, thus creating greater deception and forcing a divided response by an adversary. The proposed task forces (TFs) would still need artillery and engineer support with signals remaining an inherent HQ element. The division of artillery and engineer support will require another major tampering with organisations which will militate against the neater tailor-made unit and sub-unit based support which currently exists. That will add complexity rather than the simplicity being sought. Anyway, offensive forces such as the strike corps are not being considered for reorganisation, although they are the ones which are lumbering. Reorganisation in their case would provide far better flexibility with their taking the battle into adversary territory.

Four other aspects need consideration. First, the command and control of the larger number of TFs than the number of division size forces by the corps HQ. Many of the support resources currently under the division HQ would revert to the corps HQ. Pre-location of such resources with the TFs would be necessary, while retaining control at the corps HQ with need-based release. This will make decision-making far more difficult.

The second issue is personnel management itself, which will witness greater complexity. There will be a need to grade the command appointments of major generals as some will command TFs and others, divisions. Whether this will provide a level-playing field for further promotion is an aspect bound to come up for legal scrutiny. Third, many of the divisions at the northern borders also perform counter insurgency duties by remaining split. The TF system will cause numerous functional problems for them. The fourth area relates to increasing the teeth-to-tail ratio, taking a line from China’s PLA. In 1998, a 50,000 cut in the non-field forces was decided and was under implementation until the Kargil War cut it short. The approach did not involve any large scale tampering as it only scaled off the bloated strength from organisations away from the battlefield.

If the army leadership is seriously seeking better esteem for its officers the non-functional financial upgradation is a better alternative. It won’t create undesirable organisational turbulence and the social challenges can be far easier met than the functional ones arising from forced organisational change.

If the army desires to overcome its shortage of officers in lower ranks and have more officers at the unit level and less at the HQ level, then this is definitely not the right approach.

Was awarded Vir Chakra for bravery and sacrifice in the 1965 war with Pak

Col Dilbag Dabas (Retd)

Nand Kishore, son of Tirkha Ram Yadav, was born at Dhawana village in present day Rewari district, which is part of the Ahirwal region. In the 1962 war with China two real brothers from Dhawana village, Sepoy Singh Ram, and his two years’ younger Sepoy Ram Kumar from 13 Kumaon, died fighting side by side in the battle of Rezang La. The elder was awarded Vir Chakra for his bravery.

Nand Kishore could not have formal education since there was no school nearby in the area. Whatever he learnt was in 4th Battalion of Kumaon Regiment in which he was enrolled on July 1, 1939.  Since there is no designated Ahir Regiment in the Indian Army, the Ahirs are mainly absorbed in Kumaon Infantry Regiment, besides logistics and combat support arms. At present, the overall strength of Kumaon Regiment comprises almost 30 per cent of Ahirs from all over India but mainly from north and central India, including  Bihar.

Considering his hard work, camaraderie and grit, Nand Kishore was awarded Junior Commission in the rank of Jemadar in 1961. Two years later, he was promoted to the rank of Subedar (Sub) and was given the command of 3rd platoon of ‘A’ Company in the battalion. As platoon commander, Sub Nand Kishore took Sepoy Tara Chand of his village as his ‘Sahayak’. During the 1965 war with Pakistan, by the end of September, the fighting ended in Poonch and Rajouri sectors but Pakistan-trained guerillas were still active along the ceasefire line in J&K. In some areas, they had entrenched themselves and the Army had to undertake extensive mopping-up operations.

In one such operation, 4 Kumaon was tasked with re-capturing Ring Contour, which overlooked and dominated the main bridge on the Kishanganga river. It was during the second assault and a fierce fight by ‘A’ Company of 4  Kumaon that the objective was captured, a fight in which Subedar Nand Kishore displayed the finest example of camaraderie and raw courage; a fight in which he was martyred but not before his platoon hoisted the National Flag on the majestic Ring Contour. For his conspicuous act of bravery, Sub Nand Kishore Yadav was deservedly awarded the coveted Vir Chakra. The battle account of his gallant act is recorded in the War Diary of 4 Kumaon.

To some, the impulsive reaction of Sub Nand Kishore might appear reckless, but a veteran who has been in the line of fire in the face of the enemy knows how high the emotions run, what camaraderie is all about, mission is all that matters and no price is high enough to pay for its accomplishment. Some people are like that. 

As a befitting tribute to the fallen junior leader, ‘A’ company of 4th Kumaon Battalion is referred to as ‘Nand Kishore Company’.

(The writer is a veteran Gunner, 6 Field Regiment)

The summary of gallant act in War Diary of 4 Kumaon reads…

On October 11, 1965, Sub Nand Kishore as Platoon Commander led the attack on Ring Contour. As the platoon reached the assaulting distance, it was pinned down by heavy automatic gunfire from the enemy in which Sub Nand Kishore was seriously injured and five of his men, including Tara Chand, his ‘Sahayak’, lay dead. Under the cover of own artillery and mortar fire, the dead and the wounded were evacuated to the Medical Aid Post around 300 yards in the rear. After regaining consciousness, the first thing he asked “Target capture hua”? He was answered in the negative. And then he asked “Aur Tara Chand”? He was told that Tara Chand is dead. Sub Nand Kishore thought for a while, borrowed a pistol from a signaler and without asking the medical officer, hastily limped back to the remaining personnel of his platoon on the front line, mumbling words like “Badla, dhava, kabza” (revenge, assault, capture) as he moved ahead. With heightened emotions and utmost fury, he rallied his men for the final assault. Seeing that a Browning machine gun was holding the assault, and assuming that the same gun killed his men, including his ‘Sahayak’, he called forward a rocket launcher. Despite a wounded shoulder, he fired two rockets and blasted the enemy’s machine gun and then joined the dash to the objective. Frightened by the fury of the assaulting Kumaonis, the enemy fled. But before the success signal was fired, a burst of indiscriminate firing by the fleeing enemy hit Sub Nand Kishore on the chest and he died instantly.