Rajnath Singh erred by transforming what is traditionally a simple domestic military ceremony in the IAF into a political and religious one with all the trappings of a single religion abroad. Singh does not represent a single-service faith. He is the Defence Minister of a multi-faith military which is secular, apolitical and professional.

Maj Gen Ashok Mehta (retd)
Military Commentator

The images of India’s third most powerful leader — Defence Minister Rajnath Singh — in a flying suit with Rayban glasses after flying in the Rafale and in dhoti-kurta performing shastra puja before the flight — are two contrasting visuals of India’s state of defence equipment: from the legacy Russian MiG variants still flying to the fourth generation French Rafale fighter in the pipeline.

It is also a reflection of Singh’s conviction in religion, superstition and personal faith which he displayed on the 87th Air Force Day and Dasehra while performing the traditional shastra puja in France on receipt of the first Rafale aircraft from his French counterpart. The deification of the Rafale was very elaborate. The Ambassador to France was asked to arrange for a pandit.  Singh cracked a coconut, placed flowers, tied mouli, applied the Om tilak, all behind the cockpit while tying chillies and lemons to the wheels of the aircraft — the ritual watched by a bemused French audience. In this puja, Singh was assisted by an Indian priest and Air Commodore-rank military air attache to France.

As a soldier, I have witnessed and performed the shastra puja in my battalion for six decades on Vijayadashami, a ritual which is strictly in the domain of three persons: the Commanding Officer, the unit priest and the seniormost non-officer rank officer, the Subedar Major. All weapons are symbolically worshipped before they are returned to the Quarter Guard. One has never known an outsider perform this ceremony even if he is the Defence Minister of India. 

The Rafale belongs to the IAF, which has never performed a religious ceremony abroad while receiving a new imported aircraft. At an election rally in Haryana, Singh had announced that he wrote Om on the Rafale, ‘as per our tradition’. After Bofors, Rafale has proven to be politically volatile, especially the procedure followed in its acquisition on which the Supreme Court has reserved its judgment, even as the ruling party showcased it electorally before its operationalisation. Applying the tilak on an aircraft is not an IAF tradition.

Singh’s actions and his self-defence have attracted criticism from the opposition, many calling it theatrics and puja politics. NCP chief and former Defence Minister Sharad Pawar mocked Singh for tying chillies and lemons to ward off evil as truck drivers do. Singh’s colleague, Finance Minister and former Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, whose main contribution to defence was the defence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the purchase of Rafale, both inside and outside Parliament, said: “Those who had faith had the right to conduct rituals because he is no ordinary citizen but Defence Minister of India.” She compared his shastra puja with Indian diplomats/politicians launching ships abroad by cracking a coconut (used to be a bottle of champagne). But no Om was emblazoned on the ship. A letter to the editor of The Pioneer newspaper read: ‘Politicians wedded to Hindutva ideology are adept at converting every event into an opportunity.’ He suggested that chillies and lemons should have been attached to Chandrayaan-II. 

In the military, it is best not to mix religion with superstition or politics.

Singh’s final statement was defiant: ‘I did what I thought was right and will continue to do so. This is our faith, that there is a super power, and I have believed it since childhood.’ Never to be left out of India’s internal affairs, Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor, head of Pakistan’s ISPR (Inter-Services Public Relations), chipped in: ‘Nothing wrong in Rafale puja as it goes by the religion and that must be respected. It is not machine alone which matters, but competence, passion and resolve of the men behind the machine. Proud of Pakistan Air Force Shaheens.’

Singh erred by transforming what is traditionally and essentially a simple domestic military ceremony in the domain of the IAF into a political and religious one with all the trappings of a single religion, abroad. Singh does not represent a single-service faith. He is the Defence Minister of a multi-faith military which is secular, apolitical and professional. In all-India caste Army regiments, the prayer room contains multi-faith areas where soldiers of different denominations worship their God. Although Singh has asserted he will do what he did in France, again, for the sake of the Indian armed forces, he should take a leap of faith and avoid doing it.

As Defence Minister, Singh has done great things: sending powerful signals of India’s rise as a great power; raking up the issues of No-First Use after visiting Pokhran and retaking PoK in the aftermath of the parliamentary resolution of 1994; opening up Siachen to tourism and generally boosting the morale of the armed forces. At his election rally in Satara, Maharashtra, PM Modi had said his government had brought India’s armed forces on a par with those of other countries and provided the three services with modern weapons.

Judging from the sparse funding for capital account of the defence budget in the last five years, Modi’s claim is an exaggeration. Singh’s real contribution to the military would be in getting at least Rs 50,000 crore annually for capital spending, over and above the existing liabilities during the remaining term of this government in order to catch up with China. Deterring Pakistan has largely been achieved. The government has shown recently how it can loosen its purse-strings. When there is a will, there is a way.

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ey point: As more countries build submarines, anti-submarine warfare will become a bigger deal.

Many details of the new weapon, which include newer propulsion mechanisms and multiple kinds of warheads, are secret and not publically available. However, senior Navy leaders have previously talked to Scout Warrior about the development of the weapon in a general sense.

Naturally, having a functional and more high-tech lethal torpedo affords the Navy an opportunity to hit enemies at further standoff ranges and better compete with more fully emerging undersea rivals such as Russia and China.

Progress with new torpedo technologies is happening alongside a concurrent effort to upgrade the existing arsenal and re-start production of the Mk 48, which had been on hiatus for several years.

The earlier version, the Mk 48 Mod 6, has been operational since 1997 – and the more recent Mod 7 has been in service since 2006.

Lockheed has been working on upgrades to the Mk 48 torpedo Mod 6 and Mod 7 – which consists of adjustments to the guidance control box, broadband sonar acoustic receiver and amplifier components.

Lockheed developers told Scout Warrior last year that Lockheed is now delivering 20-upgrade kits per month to the Navy.

Part of the effort, which involves a five-year deal between the Navy and Lockheed, includes upgrading existing Mod 6 torpedoes to Mod 7 as well as buying brand new Mod 7 guidance control sections.

The new Mod 7 is also resistant to advanced enemy countermeasures.

Modifications to the weapon improves the acoustic receiver, replaces the guidance-and-control hardware with updated technology, increases memory, and improves processor throughput to handle the expanded software demands required to improve torpedo performance against evolving threats, according to Navy information on the weapon.The Mod also provides a significant reduction in torpedo radiated-noise signatures, a Navy statement said.Alongside Lockheed’s work to upgrade the guidance technology on the torpedo, the Navy is also preparing to to build new Mk 48s.

Upgrades to the guidance control section in includes the integration of a system called Common Broadband Advanced Sonar System, or CBASS – electronics to go into the nose of the weapon as part of the guidance section, Lockheed developers explained.

The new technology involves adjustments to the electronic circuitry in order to make the acoustic signals that are received from the system that allow the torpedo to better operate in its undersea environment.

Lockheed will deliver about 250 torpedoes over the next five years. The Mk 48, which is a heavy weapon launched under the surface, is quite different than surface launched, lightweight Mk 54 torpedo fired from helicopters, aircraft and surface ships.

The Navy’s Mk 48 torpedo is also in service with Australia, Canada, Brazil and The Netherlands.

A Mk 48 torpedo is 21 inches in diameter and weighs 3,520 pounds; it can destroy targets at ranges out to five miles and travels at speeds greater than 28 knots. The weapon can operate at depths greater than 1,200 feet and fires a 650-pound high-explosive warhead.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Tuesday said India would not allow its water to flow to Pakistan.

“For 70 years, the water which belongs to India and the farmers of Haryana flowed to Pakistan. Modi will stop this water (from flowing into Pakistan) and bring to your houses,” the Prime Minister said at an election meeting, the second in two days, here.

He said the farmers of Haryana and Rajasthan had the right over the water that is flowing to Pakistan and was not being stopped by the earlier Indian governments.

“Modi aapki ladai ladega (Modi will fight your battle),” he assured the people at the rally.

The Prime Minister said Chinese President Xi Jinping during their informal summit in Mahabalipuram, Tamil Nadu, told him that he had watched the Aamir Khan-starrer ‘Dangal’ “which showcased excellent performance of daughters of India”.

“I felt really proud of Haryana on hearing this,” he added.

Praising Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar, Modi said: “‘Beti Bachao Beti Padhao’ campaign would not have been effective without the support of Haryana villages.”

He slammed Congress leaders for “spreading lies” over Article 370. IANS

Many leaders had been detained in the Valley in light of the abrogation of Article 370. File photo

Srinagar, October 10

The Jammu and Kashmir Administration on Thursday released three politicians who had been under detention since August 5 when the Centre abrogated the special status granted to the state under the Constitution, officials said.

Yawar Mir, Noor Mohammed and Shoiab Lone were released on separate grounds, the officials said.

While Mir is a former PDA MLA from the Rafiabad Assembly seat, Lone contested unsuccessfully on a Congress ticket from North Kashmir and later resigned as district president of the party.

Noor Mohammed is a National Conference worker who has been managing the party’s show in the militancy-infested Batmaloo area of the Srinagar city.

Before his release, he will be signing a bond to maintain peace and good behaviour, the officials had said on Wednesday night.

The Governor Administration had earlier released Imran Ansari of the People’s Conference and Syed Akhoon on health grounds on September 21.

More than a thousand people, including politicians, separatists, activists and lawyers, were detained after the August 5 move of the Central Government to abrogate the state’s special status.

The detainees include three former chief ministers Farooq Abdullah, Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti.

Over 250 people were sent to the jails outside Jammu and Kashmir. Farooq was subsequently detained under the stringent Public Safety Act, while other politicians were mostly detained under different sections of the criminal procedure code. PTI

Photo for representation only.

Anirudh Gupta
Ferozepur, October 8

The BSF on Tuesday sighted two high-flying drones along Punjab’s Hussainiwala sector, days after police recovered Pakistani drones used to airdrop arms and ammunition in border areas of the state.

The security forces went into a tizzy as the BSF troops spotted at least five sorties by drones originating from Pakistani side along the Hussaniwala border.

The development comes following confirmed reports about eight earlier sorties by drones used by Pakistan-based terror groups to airdrop almost 80 kg of sophisticated arms and ammunition to foment trouble in Punjab.

As per information, the BSF troops posted here spotted high-flying drones five times between 10 pm to 10:40 pm last night.

Sources said that while four times, the drone was spotted on Pakistani side, however, once the BSF troops belonging to 136 battalion sighted the drone venturing almost a kilometre inside the Indian territory near border outpost HK Tower close to Hussainiwala, around nine kilometres from district headquarters.

Later on, the BSF troops spotted the drone going back towards the Pakistani side but midway its light and sound went off and it could not be tracked further and vanished within no time.

Besides the BOP HK Tower, the BSF troops spotted a drone near border outpost Basti Ram Lal also at 12:25 am which was on Pakistani side.

Later, the BSF troops with assistance of Punjab Police conducted a search operation in the entire area, however, nothing suspicious was found.

“Ferozepur is well guarded by the BSF, besides there is an Army formation. The Pakistani agencies might be conducting aerial surveillance or they might be up to some mischief,” said an official, on condition of anonymity.

Sources said the drone-like objects were flying high with light appearing from them.

“Had they come to drop something, they would have been flying low and moreover, there would have been buzzing sound due to the bearing load,” said another official, while adding that nothing can be said or denied at the moment.

“The information has been shared with concerned authorities and an alert has been sounded,” he said.

On September 24, the BSF/STF had seized huge quantity of sophisticated arms, including five AK-47 rifles, ten magazines, 200 rounds, 1 Austria-made Glock pistol, 22 magazines and 20 rounds, from Mamdot in this area the source of which still remains unknown.

Sources said that following abrogation of Article 370 in Kashmir, the Pakistan’s spy agency Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) was pushing the Pakistan-based Khalistani terrorists to carry out an attack of 26/11 magnitude in religious places in Punjab.

On September 22, the police had busted a terrorist module being run with the active support of terrorist groups from Pakistan and Germany and had recovered huge cache of arms, including five AK-47 rifles, four Chinese-made .30 bore pistols, nine hand grenades, five satellite phones, which the police claimed had been dropped by a drone.

On September 12, another consignment was seized from a truck at Lakhanpur (Kathua) which included four AK-56 rifles, two AK-47 rifles besides over 10,000 bullets.

Sources said the troops have been asked to keep a hawk’s eye on all such developments and air intrusions.

Meanwhile, the BSF has also started sensitising the residents along the border to immediately inform the police or BSF authorities if they spot anything unusual near the zero line.

Faced with orders from the ICJ to review Jadhav’s case in the light of Pakistan breaching the Vienna Convention, Islamabad plans to use third-country diplomatic assistance to explore the possibility of sending him home in return for an official admission from New Delhi that he was engaged in espionage, sources close to the Pakistan government have told Firstpost.

Jadhav, an Islamabad-based Pakistani official told Firstpost, is being held in an Inter-Services Intelligence-run facility in Rawalpindi, rather than a prison, even though he is awaiting execution.

Islamabad, one senior Pakistani official said, hopes the offer will help bring about wider India-Pakistan talks, derailed since 2018. “The army understands that Pakistan’s economy cannot be subjected to the risk of another military crisis with India”, the official said. “They see talks as a way to finding some tactical breathing space.”
The deal Pakistan hopes to make builds on a secret diplomatic offer earlier made to New Delhi. Documents submitted to the International Court of Justice show that Pakistan had first offered to extradite Jadhav in a letter dated 30 October, 2017, written soon after India moved the International Court of Justice against his conviction.

“Without prejudice to the proceedings so far”, the letter stated, “the Government of Pakistan is prepared to consider any request for extradition that the Government of India may make in the event that Commander Jadhav is considered to be a criminal under the law of India.”

Put in plain language, the letter constituted an offer to return Jadhav to India, if New Delhi accepted his complicity in terrorism against Pakistan and was prepared to subject him to a criminal-law process.

New Delhi had, however, rejected Islamabad’s offer, seeing it as a ruse to tarnish high officials in the military and intelligence services. Islamabad’s supplementary First Information Report filed on 6 September, 2017 against Jadhav names National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, former naval chief Suresh Mehta, and former Research and Analysis Wing chief Alok Joshi as being among 15 “accomplices and facilitators”.

In a letter dated 11 December, 2017, New Delhi responded by describing Pakistan’s extradition offer as “attempted propaganda”, adding that it had no reason to believe Jadhav had committed any crime for which he could be tried.

Pakistan had made consular access to the incarcerated naval officer contingent on Indian cooperation in investigating the case, seeking statements of the officers, as well as Jadhav’s cellphone records and bank statements.

New Delhi, two Indian official sources said, would still treat any release offer with caution, if it involved an official admission that the country extended support to insurgent groups in Balochistan.
The government has so far declined to discuss several case-related issues—among them, precisely when Jadhav retired from naval service—saying it has no reason to do so until Islamabad provides consular access, and documentation related to the officer’s trial.

Islamabad’s extradition offer, interestingly, was made after the still-unexplained disappearance of former Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate officer Lieutenant-Colonel Mohammed Habib Zahir, who disappeared from Lumbini, in Nepal, in April.

The Pakistan government believes Zahir, who travelled to Nepal lured by an $8,500-per-month offer from Strategic Solutions Consultancy, a non-existent firm, had been kidnapped by Indian intelligence.

From the outset, the Pakistan army’s handling of the Jadhav case has been enmeshed with the country’s civilian-military power struggle. The public naming of high Indian officials — whose names were, notably, absent from a televised custodial confession made by Jadhav—appeared intended to derail the ongoing dialogue between the then Pakistan prime minister Nawaz Sharif and Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

In December 2016, Doval and his Pakistani counterpart, Lieutenant-General Nasser Khan Janjua, had met at a Bangkok hotel to discuss normalisation measures.

The discussions were followed by Prime Minister Modi making an unscheduled visit to Lahore, to greet Sharif on the occasion of his granddaughter’s wedding.

Early in 2018, when Jaish-e-Mohammad terrorists attacked the Indian Air Force base in Pathankot, Sharif had acknowledged the group’s responsibility and ordered officials from the country’s investigation and intelligence services to visit India to gather evidence.

Sharif’s efforts to punish the Jaish spiralled, in coming months, into a frontal break with army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa.