Smriti Kak Ramachandran and Dhrubo Jyoti
letters@hindustantimes.com
Srinagar : Jammu and Kashmir braced on Wednesday for an uncertain transition from full statehood to two truncated union territories with many local Muslim residents and activists underlining the region’s deep resentment but some others expressing hope that decentralised power structures will stanch bloodshed in the violence-hit region.
In the capital Srinagar, only a trickle of cars was out on the otherwise deserted roads with shops shuttered on either side and human blockades in the old part of the city, where violent protests had broken out a day before against the visit by a group of European lawmakers. Among the political parties, only the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) appeared hopeful of the transition while the Valley’s mainstream politicians termed the transition a betrayal of the constitutional promise. Fear loomed large about a spurt in violence targeted at outsiders — which has killed 11 people in two weeks — and local residents said they were preparing for a long spell of unrest. “We don’t know when the violence will stop,” said Rafiq Ahmed, a local resident.
New lieutenant governor for J&K, Girish Chandra Murmu, will be sworn in by chief justice of the Srinagar high court Gita Mittal in a ceremony around 12.30pm at the Raj Bhavan. Mittal will fly to Leh, where she will swear in the new L-G of Ladakh, RK Mathur. J&K will have an elected legislative assembly and a chief minister while Ladakh will be governed by the L-G and have two hill development councils.
For many mainstream political leaders, the bifurcation and the scrapping of special status was an indication of the erosion of the region’s autonomy and identity. “The unilateral way in which the Centre did this was a betrayal of constitutional provisions. Our stand on the transition to UT status is the same,” said Hasnain Masoodi, Anantnag MP and National Conference leader.
The BJP dismissed these concerns. Former MLC Surender Ambardar said he would welcome the bifurcation as the region’s “constitutional ambiguity” was over. “The ruse of Article 370 had deprived 80% of the population of their dues,” he said.
“This article was based on the same premise as the two nation theory that led to partition. A deliberate ambiguity was created between Jammu and Kashmir and the rest of India,” he added.
The mood on a misty day in Srinagar was cautious. “We don’t know how things will pan out. As of now we have been struggling to get our business back on track, the kids don’t go to school and life is paralysed. Hopefully the UT status will ease the restrictions and life will be normal,” said Nazir Salman, a trader of shawls.
Not everyone was as worried.
Zubair, a law student who only gave his first name, said he hoped issues of development, corruption and large-scale unemployment would be addressed. “There are many other issues that remained unaddressed. For instance the absence of avenues for stating new business, thanks to the large-scale corruption.”
Activists suggested that the move was a symbolic loss that resonated with many people but argued that the “unilateral” nullification of Article 370 and the alleged human rights excesses in the region were of far greater concern to local populations. “Statehood was more or less a facade that was often used to hide violations, and many of our chief ministers had very little actual power…,” said Khurram Parvez, founder of the Jammu and Kashmir Coalition for Civil Society.
A political watcher, not willing to be named, said: “There is no denying the fact that most people want statehood to be restored and want the central government to fulfil this assurance. If that does not happen within a limited time span, people will feel that New Delhi has betrayed its promise.”