Though the Modi government has laid emphasis on indigenisation of military hardware, much needs to be done to achieve atmanirbharta.
A new government is set to take charge under the leadership of PM Narendra Modi, who is beginning his third term as the Prime Minister. Thus, continuity and consistency in major governmental policies can be expected. However, with a coalition at the helm, some transformational decisions may take a back seat. Much serious work awaits the government. Apart from the criticalities that need to be speedily addressed, the emerging security challenges across various domains will also have to be confronted.
That India faces two adversarial nuclear-armed neighbours, China and Pakistan, working both independently and collusively, has to be factored in. India’s strategic challenges extend in the west from the Strait of Hormuz, running southwards along the eastern coast of Africa to the Malacca Strait in the east, also spanning the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean. The Indo-Pacific region, increasingly becoming an area of strategic contestation between the US and China, also impacts India as it is one of the major players in this realm.
India has land borders exceeding 15,000 sq km, which it shares with seven nations. India also has a 7,683-km coastline and an exclusive economic zone of over 2 million sq km. Internal security challenges do emerge once in a while in J&K and some of our restive northeastern states, while a fading Naxal/Maoist insurgency still persists. China’s continuing belligerence towards India and its unending ‘salami-slicing’ tactics in the border regions are of major security concern for us. Thus, overall, India has to ensure its territorial and economic sovereignty.
Since Independence, India has witnessed major conflicts in 1947-48, 1962, 1965, 1971 and the Kargil War in 1999, apart from battling many internal security upheavals, including insurgency in the North-East and, countering terrorism emanating from Pakistan. Despite all these kinetic conflagrations, India has not yet promulgated a National Security Doctrine (NSD). Since the past many years, national security has moved far beyond military activities, prosecution of war or managing internal security problems. Today, national security embraces non-military dimensions, including terrorism, economic security, energy security, food security, environmental security and cybersecurity. National security responsibilities span more than the charter of the Ministry of Defence, calling for a “whole-of-government approach”. Most powerful nations of the world have enunciated their NSD, which lays down their priorities in a variety of fields. Though the major strategic mission objectives will be military-oriented, the NSD will comprehensively lay down prioritisation in various fields of governance and protection of national interests, apart from synergising the nation’s geopolitical, military, diplomatic, financial and technological strengths. Accordingly, the new government must lay emphasis on the formulation of the NSD with alacrity.
Another important defence reform which the newly elected government should bring to fruition is the long-awaited integrated theatre commands (ITCs) edifice for synergising the operational capabilities of the three Services. Notwithstanding the differences over its implementation by the Services, a way has to be found to get “more bang for the buck”. The government should institute a committee of serving officers, renowned veterans and civilian experts to suggest the composition, charter and geographical responsibilities of the ITCs.
As is universally known, India holds the dubious record of being the world’s largest importer of arms, ammunition and military platforms. Though the Modi government has laid emphasis on indigenisation of military hardware, much still requires to be done to achieve atmanirbharta (self-reliance in production of military equipment). The government must give a major fillip to manufacturing as per our defence requirements, synergising the work of the Defence Research and Development Organisation, public sector ordnance factories and the technologically adept private sector. Foreign manufacturers of repute should also be encouraged to shift some of their production units to India — genuine public-private sector cooperation will be of great assistance to meet Indian defence’s burgeoning needs.
The Navy’s requirements to ensure the security and independence of our sea lanes need to be met by adequate capital budget funds. Work must commence on the demand for a third aircraft carrier and additional submarine capability. Simultaneously, the strategic Andaman and Nicobar Command must be strengthened to safeguard India’s interests in the Indian Ocean and keep China’s misplaced maritime ambitions in check. One area where the government will have to arrange funds is for the Indian Air Force’s long-pending requirement of 114 fighters as its present holdings are precariously down to unacceptable levels.
Importantly, the government must oversee the three Services collectively, analysing the lessons from the ongoing Russian-Ukraine war and the Israeli-Hamas conflict. These conflicts have put to rest many traditional concepts which were being practised by many armed forces across the world. Besides the nuances of artificial intelligence and information warfare, the employment of drones, air defence systems, missiles, tanks and infantry combat vehicles need to be looked at afresh.
The government should remember that it takes time to improve defence capabilities, and procrastination in defence matters will only be at the nation’s peril. The need to strengthen all the constituents of Comprehensive National Power should be the guiding principles in our march forward to deservingly take a seat at the global high table.