Sanjha Morcha

Pak glorifies killers, it refuses to see blood of innocents: Swaraj at UNGA Accuses Islamabad of verbal duplicity, says India did not sabotage talks process

Smita Sharma

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, September 29

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Addressing the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly in New York on Saturday, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj lashed out at Pakistan for glorifying terrorists and killers. “In our case, terrorism is bred not in some faraway land, but across our border. Our neighbour’s expertise is not restricted to spawning grounds for terrorism, it is also an expert in trying to mask malevolence with verbal duplicity,” Swaraj said, focusing on cross-border terrorism.

“Pakistan glorifies killers, it refuses to see the blood of innocents,” she remarked, alluding to postage stamps released by Islamabad in July commemorating Hizbul commander Burhan Wani, among others. India had cited the killing of security personnel, including a BSF jawan, whose throat was slit, as well as the release of the stamps when it called off talks with Pakistan. However, Islamabad had argued that both had occurred prior to the announcement of talks by New Delhi.

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“We are accused of sabotaging the process of talks. This is a complete lie. We believe that talks are the only rational means to resolve the most complex of disputes. Talks with Pakistan have begun many times. If they stopped, it was only because of their behaviour,” Swaraj declared.

Pakistan Foreign Minister SM Qureshi, in an interaction with a prominent think tank, had claimed that PM Modi and his government had developed cold feet after accepting the talks offer along the UNGA sidelines because of “domestic and electoral compulsions.”

India and Pakistan have not had a structured dialogue since 2012. Swaraj also cited the case of Pakistan Permanent Representative to the UN Maleeha Lodhi displaying photographic proof of “human rights violations” by India in Kashmir last year which later turned out to be from another country.

In her fourth address to the General Assembly on behalf of the BJP-led NDA government, Swaraj urged the need for the global community to deliver on the long-pending Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT) .

“In 1996, India proposed a draft document on CCIT at the UN. Till today, that draft has remained a draft because we cannot agree on a common language. On the one hand we want to fight terrorism, on the other we cannot define it.”

She broadly spoke about sustainable development goals as well as India’s commitment to the Climate Change Treaty.


The wrong reform Suggestion that rank of brigadier be eliminated, command and control be restructured are ill-informed Written by Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain |

indian army, indian army brigadier, indian army ranks, indian army strength, Lt Gen Krishna Rao, K Sundarji, bipin rawat  

Most numerical strengths quoted in these write ups are erroneous — they relate to light divisions, which do not exist in the Indian Army except in the counter-insurgency forces of the Rashtriya Rifles. (Representational photo)

There was a time when the Indian Army’s structural and organisational changes took place under considerable secrecy. No longer. Every other day, ill-informed reports appear, mostly authored by writers who may never have understood the legitimacy and time-tested standing of some organisations, ranks and appointments, which contribute to the army’s command and control and decision-making. Two recent reports related to reorganisation are being questioned and discussed by India’s military community.

The first seeks the elimination of the one-star rank of brigadier with potentially the two-star rank of major general being considered for the first level of command above the unit level. It also speaks of the intent to have all officers of the army superannuating at least at the rank of major general, by time scale or selection. Another report, which appears to flow from the first, relates to the operational and organisational restructuring of the army. It reflects how a study is being undertaken to remove the division headquarters (HQ) from the hierarchy of formations that exercise command and control.

Most numerical strengths quoted in these write ups are erroneous — they relate to light divisions, which do not exist in the Indian Army except in the counter-insurgency forces of the Rashtriya Rifles. Indian Army divisions are usually never less than 17,000 in strength (as against the reported 10,000) as they also have units of all Arms and Services. One report states that the proposals include retaining the division HQ and the division as an entity only within 15 and 16 Corps in J&K, the three strike corps, 1, 2 and 21, and the mountain strike corps, that is about 16-18 divisions not including the counter-insurgency forces.

First, a comment on the manner of the change. The proposals are obviously budget-driven because the current, and potentially future, defence budget (1.47 per cent of the GDP) cannot support an army of 1.3 million without seriously affecting funds for capital expenditure. Second, the approach appears driven more by personnel management than capability based upon real threats. The idea is to have more appointments in the rank of major general by tailoring command appointments with resources half-way between what a one- and two-star officer currently commands. With this it is intended to have more officers achieving aspirations of two-star rank, with commensurately lower responsibility.

Such organisational changes do not occur through permutations and combinations to suit personnel management but rather on the basis of conceptual and doctrinal trials. A prime example was the creation of the Reorganised Army Plains Infantry Division (RAPID) in 1987, which brought about the induction of an armoured brigade into selected infantry divisions and other changes to meet Pakistan’s expanded armoured threat. It was the culmination of a long study and examination commencing in 1975 with the Experts Committee headed by Lt Gen (later General) Krishna Rao, with Maj Gen K Sundarji (later General) as a member.

No doubt the army leadership is going by the rationale that in view of tactical nuclear weapons being introduced in the battle zone, the parameters have changed. Smaller formations with just 4-5 infantry battalions with some matching support will present smaller targets and retain the capability to strike up to limited distances, as against the concept of deep thrust, defunct in a battlefield with a nuclear overhang. Another rationale in support of the proposed changes is a doctrine many armies around the world are favouring: Swarming by multiple small forces, thus creating greater deception and forcing a divided response by an adversary. The proposed task forces (TFs) would still need artillery and engineer support with signals remaining an inherent HQ element. The division of artillery and engineer support will require another major tampering with organisations which will militate against the neater tailor-made unit and sub-unit based support which currently exists. That will add complexity rather than the simplicity being sought. Anyway, offensive forces such as the strike corps are not being considered for reorganisation, although they are the ones which are lumbering. Reorganisation in their case would provide far better flexibility with their taking the battle into adversary territory.

Four other aspects need consideration. First, the command and control of the larger number of TFs than the number of division size forces by the corps HQ. Many of the support resources currently under the division HQ would revert to the corps HQ. Pre-location of such resources with the TFs would be necessary, while retaining control at the corps HQ with need-based release. This will make decision-making far more difficult.

The second issue is personnel management itself, which will witness greater complexity. There will be a need to grade the command appointments of major generals as some will command TFs and others, divisions. Whether this will provide a level-playing field for further promotion is an aspect bound to come up for legal scrutiny. Third, many of the divisions at the northern borders also perform counter insurgency duties by remaining split. The TF system will cause numerous functional problems for them. The fourth area relates to increasing the teeth-to-tail ratio, taking a line from China’s PLA. In 1998, a 50,000 cut in the non-field forces was decided and was under implementation until the Kargil War cut it short. The approach did not involve any large scale tampering as it only scaled off the bloated strength from organisations away from the battlefield.

If the army leadership is seriously seeking better esteem for its officers the non-functional financial upgradation is a better alternative. It won’t create undesirable organisational turbulence and the social challenges can be far easier met than the functional ones arising from forced organisational change.

If the army desires to overcome its shortage of officers in lower ranks and have more officers at the unit level and less at the HQ level, then this is definitely not the right approach.


Maj Gogoi shifted out of his unit, ‘attached’ to formation HQ for Summary of Evidence

Maj Gogoi shifted out of his unit, ‘attached’ to formation HQ for Summary of Evidence

Major Leetul Gogoi . ANI file photo

Srinagar, September 18

The Army has shifted Major Leetul Gogoi, who was at the centre of the ‘human shield’ controversy, out of his unit and attached to local formation headquarters after being indicted by an Army Court of Inquiry (CoI) for “fraternising” with a local woman in Srinagar, officials said on Tuesday.

Last month, the CoI instituted by the army indicted Gogoi, an officer with 53 Rashtriya Rifles—a specialised anti-militancy force for Jammu and Kashmir, on two counts—“fraternising” with a local in spite of instructions to the contrary and “being away from the place of duty while in operational area”.  It recommended Summary of Evidence against him, a step before court martial proceedings are initiated.

The officials said Gogoi was shifted out of his unit in Budgam and “attached” to Awantipora-based Victor Force headquarters.

The officer, whose decision to tie a civilian to the bonnet of his vehicle in Kashmir on April 9 last year as a shield against stone-pelting by a mob had kicked up a huge controversy, will now face Summary of Evidence, a process similar to framing of charges. The process is likely to take three months.

Based on the Summary of Evidence to be compiled by “competent authorities”, the Army is likely to decide further action in the case which may include General Court Martial (GCM) or Summary General Court Martial (SGCM). The GCM is like a full court whereas the proceedings in SGCM are conducted in a much shorter time span and cases are disposed of quickly.

Gogoi, who was commissioned as a lieutenant in December 2008, was detained by Jammu and Kashmir police on May 23 following an altercation at a hotel in Srinagar where he was allegedly trying to enter with an 18-year-old woman.

Army Chief General Bipin Rawat had supported the young officer’s action and honoured him with the Army chief’s ‘Commendation Card’ for his ‘sustained efforts’ in counter-insurgency operations.

However, after the name of the major was embroiled in a controversy involving a girl, Gen Rawat said exemplary punishment would be given to Gogoi if he was found guilty of “any offence”.

“If any officer of the Indian Army is found guilty of any offence, we will take strictest possible action,” he had said. — PTI


Martyr’s statue unveiled in Palampur

Capt Vikram Batra sacrificed his life during Kargil War fighting Pak intruders

Martyr’s statue unveiled in Palampur

Health Minister Vipin Singh Parmar unveils the statue of Capt Vikram Batra in Palampur.

Ravinder Sood

Palampur September 10

Health Minister Vipin Singh Parmar unveiled the statue of Captain Vikram Batra, PVC, on the occasion of his birth anniversary on the premises of Shaheed Captain Vikram Batra Degree College here on Monday. Captain Batra had sacrificed his life during the Kargil War while fighting intruders from Pakistan.

Speaking on the occasion, the Health Minister said he was fortunate to be in the institution named in the memory of the great solider, who had sacrificed his life at a the age of 20 for the unity and integrity of the country.

“It has been more than 18 years since then, but the unparalleled sacrifice and courage of Kargil heroes are still etched in the memory of the Indians and Vikram Batra is among those who will become the face of every Indian solider, who will fight fearlessly”, said Parmar.

Parmar said Captain Vikram Batra had left a message for every politician, student, employee and the common man. His message was loud and clear, “Always put the country first”. Had he wanted to come back after the triumph over Point 5140 in the Kargil sector, he could have, but he decided to go further and capture Point 4875, where he eventually attained martyrdom.

Speaking on the occasion, Girdhari Lal Batra, the martyr’s father, said Vikram left his job in the Merchant Navy only to serve his country. After his son attained martyrdom, he interacted with many soldiers, who had participated in the Kargil War. They told him how Vikram received bullets on his chest and head while saving the life of an injured soldier.

“He was always keen to accept challenges. He always wanted to be in the forefront. I still remember several instances of my son’s life when he volunteered to be posted on the frontline”, said Kamal Kant Batra, the martyr’s mother.

Earlier, the Health Minister Vipin Singh Parmar presided over an annual prize distribution function of the college. He said the state government had planned to spend Rs 7,044 crore to strengthen the education system. He asked the students not to take to drugs, which had become a matter of serious concern. Later, he also inaugurated a basket ball court in the college complex.


Fake major elicits info from CAPF unit

Vijay Mohan

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, September 8

Following communication intercepts, the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) have sounded an alert over a person, believed to be a foreign intelligence agent, posing an a Major in the Army and calling up CAPF establishments and eliciting sensitive information.

“It is learnt that an ISI agent impersonating as an Army officer called up a control room in a Shashtra Seema Bal (SSB) establishment and has been able to obtain certain sensitive information,” a signal received by SSB units this week states. The SSB is responsible for the peace-time management of the Indo-Nepal and Indo-Bhutan borders. India and Nepal share an open border of 1,751 km, where the main challenge is to check misuse of the open border by terrorists and criminals for illegal and anti-national activities. Pakistan’s ISI has a large presence in Nepal and is known to stage operations against India from the Himalayan kingdom.

Asking all unit commanders to urgently sensitise personnel manning control rooms and telephones against sharing any information with unidentified or unauthorised persons without approval from the competent authority, the signal states that disciplinary action should be initiated against personnel involved in such security breaches.

Calling up security establishments while posing as Indian officers to elicit information has been a long-standing ploy of Pakistani operatives due to similar phonetics and accents. Last year, a stenographer posted in UP was arrested on the charge of espionage after it emerged he was passing details of correspondence between civilian and military authorities on matters such as clearance for field firing ranges, names or officers and units etc, to his handlers.

In March 2017, the MoS (Home) said in Parliament that in 2016-17, 33 persons were arrested for spying for Pakistan, highest from Rajasthan, followed by Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir.


Impact: A year on, post-Doklam by Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain

Narendra Modi and Xi Jinping

Narendra Modi and Xi Jinping The termination of the Doklam stand off has been classified as an act of maturity on the part of both countries in keeping with their mutual interests , AFP

Just a little over a year ago the Indian Army and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China were in a serious face-off across the trijunction of the Indian, Chinese and Bhutan borders near Doka La at the Doklam Plateau which lies in Bhutan. The 72-day stand-off involved induction of additional PLA troops and the advancement of India’s Siliguri-based 33 Corps’ operational alert by about eight weeks. This alert involved a large scale mobilisation of troops to positions of operational deployment. The latter saw a clear indication on the part of India not to be coerced by a virulent propaganda blitz by China to psychologically force an Indian pull back from Doklam, where the illegal Chinese road construction activity had been stopped by the Indian Army.

From a military strategic angle there were two prime issues here. First, the road under construction at Doklam would have given the PLA access to the proximity of the Indian post of Doka La, enabling the PLA to build up strength and logistics to target that post right at the trijunction which too is disputed by China. Second, although the trijunction lies squeezed at the southern tip of the Chumbi Valley between Bhutan and the Indian territory of the state of Sikkim, it is only a crow flight distance of 40-50 km to the south, to the narrow Chicken’s Neck or Siliguri Corridor which connects West Bengal to the Northeast.

Developing military operations through the Chumbi Valley by the Chinese was operationally imprudent due to the squeeze effect from east and west and would have been unlikely. However, in military strategy, it is not necessarily the actual launch of operations but a demonstrated intent to do so which ties down troops, in this case Indian troops. The risk could not be taken. In my assessment, a year ago, I had highlighted that the Chinese had chosen to play a military psychological game with no terminal aim, at a point on the Sino-Indian border where their ability to be in control of the situation would always be suspect. Yet the psychological message would be strong.

For long, China had focused on intimidation in Ladakh and in Arunachal Pradesh. The India-Bhutan-China trijunction had its own connotations and the threat to the Siliguri Corridor would create some amount of panic in New Delhi. However, it’s a different issue that there was little panic. The Chinese intent was well read by India and appropriate measures were taken which led to the stand down. The Indian media adopted a mature approach in response to the Chinese media’s caustic efforts to force a premature Indian pull back.

A year ago I had also assessed that repeated Chinese intimidatory attempts were never aimed at physical occupation of disputed territory nor dispute resolution. Those were designed to force India to focus its threat perception on the northern Himalayan borders and continue to give priority to its land forces. This is an issue which needs to be understood in context; the context is China’s strategic vulnerability which lies in the oceans. The reason for this is its trade and energy, both dependent on the long sea lines of communication (SLsOC) stretching through the Western Pacific and the entire stretch of the Indian Ocean. On these maritime highways has depended China’s phenomenal growth rate. The growth process has to continue albeit even at the current much lower rate because China’s realisation of its dream lies in extending the fruits of growth to its hinterland by continuing its low-cost manufacturing revolution. If India develops its navy to the required levels on the basis of correct security perceptions, China will have much to worry about. Although it is impeding freedom of navigation in the South China Sea (SCS) through construction of artificial islands and laying claim to exclusive economic zones on basis of new island territories, its strategic interest is enforced by coercing freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean.

The termination of the Doklam stand off has been classified as an act of maturity on the part of both India and China in keeping with their mutual interests. The turn of events since then have further reinforced the mutual perception that border tension would only have a retrograde effect on the larger intent of economic cooperation between the two highly populated nations which was the priority in their larger strategic interests too. The international strategic environment was also altering course and a reset in the world order was being sought without any clear direction, except that hardened groupings were being perceived as intimidatory. The Indian diplomatic establishment was quick to correctly realise this, thus setting forth a subsidiary reset in the region too. Prime Minister Modi’s foreign policy initiatives took him to three important destinations — Wuhan, Sochi and Qingdao — which were a reflection of promoting Indian strategic interests post Doklam.

Attending the Indian Ocean Conference 2018 at Hanoi, Vietnam, from where I am writing this analysis, it is amply clear that China continues to play to its Indian Ocean interests. There have been interventions by Chinese delegates in line with the age-old argument that the Indian Ocean is not owned by India, that it should be renamed and that India must not object to the presence of other states whose interests clearly lie within its waters and its ports and island territories. This is fully in line with the broad Chinese strategy which focuses on forcing India on the defensive with regard to its interests in the Indian Ocean region. Establishing naval facilities at the string of ports and harbours that it has acquired access to is its way of securing the SLsOC. With that endeavour, China will continue its strategy of psychological helming in of India along the Himalayan belt so that Indian security perceptions remain rooted there. However, Doklam clearly established that any overstepping through this strategy would be resisted by India.

With lessons learnt from Doklam, China will seize every opportunity to re-emphasise its 2003 strategy of Three Warfares — media, cyber and legal; all of them contributing to the larger psychological game towards coercing the minds of the Indian leadership. Thus far, the leadership has done well to understand it. The Chinese strategy will be dynamic and calibrated to which Indian response will have to remain nimble, fleet footed and demonstrative of resolve. Calibrated intimidation is going to be order of the day despite the regional reset.

he author commanded the 15 Corps in J&K and is now the Chancellor, Central University of Kashmir. Views expressed are personal.


PTI’s Arif Alvi elected new Pakistan president: Reports

PTI's Arif Alvi elected new Pakistan president: Reports

Islamabad, September 4

Dr Arif Alvi, one of the founding members of Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party, was elected as the new President of Pakistan on Tuesday, according to media reports.

Alvi defeated Pakistan Peoples Party candidate Aitzaz Ahsan and the Pakistan Muslim League-N nominee Maulana Fazl ur Rehman in a three-way contest to become the 13th president. Of the 430 votes cast in the National Assembly and Senate, Alvi received 212 votes, Rehman bagged 131 and Ahsan garnered 81; six votes were rejected, DawnNews reported, citing unofficial results.

Alvi secured 45 of the 60 votes cast by the Balochistan’s newly elected lawmakers, it said.

In the PPP-dominated Sindh Assembly, Ahsan got 100 votes, while Alvi bagged 56. Just a solitary vote was cast in the favour of Rehman.

In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly, Alvi received 78 of the total 109 votes, while Rehman and Ahsan got 26 and five votes respectively.

In Pakistan, the President is considered as a symbol of the federation and head of the state and exercises all powers on the recommendations of the prime minister.

Outgoing President Mamnoon Hussain’s tenure ends on September 8.

A dentist by profession, 69-year-old Alvi is one of the founding members of PTI. He served as the party’s secretary general from 2006 to 2013.

He won the National Assembly elections from NA-247 (Karachi) during the July 25 polls. He was also elected member of the National Assembly in the 2013 general election. – PTI


I Don’t Need To Give Any Message To Pak Army Chief, Only Need To Give A Message To My Army,” Says General Bipin Rawat

  • Making it clear that the Indian army is well prepared to undertake any given task at any point of time, Army chief Bipin Rawat stated that ‘he doesn’t need to give any message for his counterpart (Pakistan Army chief)’
  • Another major topic which General Rawat spoke about during the interview was the kind of reply which India may give to Pakistan for the barbaric acts they have been committing at the border in recent times

Making it clear that the Indian army is well prepared to undertake any given task at any point of time, Army chief Bipin Rawat, in an exclusive with Republic TV, stated that ‘he doesn’t need to give any message for his counterpart (Pakistan Army chief)’.

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On the matter of the kind of message he intends to deliver to General Qamar Jawed Bajwa, the Chief of Army Staff said, “I don’t think I need to give any message (to General Bajwa). I need to give a message only to my army, and the message, which I’ve given to my army from day one is we have to always be prepared for any task that is entrusted to us by the government. And we will undertake any task, anytime and anywhere.”

Another major topic which General Rawat spoke about during the interview was the kind of reply which India may give to Pakistan for the barbaric acts they have been committing at the border in recent times.

“I have said there are options available, and what options can be undertaken are always planned and the execution when necessitated will be done. These kind of barbaric acts which are carried out by the terrorists are completely supported by the Pakistani Army and the ISI.

“When the time come they’ll be punished, but not in the same manner, I mean if the Indian army ever punishes or the security forces ever punish, we do not carry out such barbaric acts. We are a very professional army. All acts that we conduct or any actions that we take are completely within the framework of Geneva conventions,” he added.

READ: EXCLUSIVE: ‘When The Time Comes They Will Be Punished But Not In The Same Manner,’ Says Army Chief While Issuing A Warning To Pakistan Over Barbaric Acts

Further divulging into the topic of elections in J&K, the COAS said, “We would like the elections to happen as it is for the benefit of the people. On the one hand, the local population has been complaining about the governance of Kashmir and has been talking about unemployment, lack of job opportunities, they have been talking about development. If the panchayat elections go through, then all these issues will be addressed because the power devolves to the people, jobs will be available and development activity according to the wishes of people can continue in the valley, in the Kashmir valley.”


J-K: Martyred soldier’s wife joins Indian Army as Lieutenant

 Neeru_Sambyal

Setting an exemplary precedence of strong grit and indomitable strength, Neeru Sambyal, wife of late army personnel Ravinder Sambyal has joined Indian army as a lieutenant after successfully acing her army training.

Neeru’s husband, late Rifleman Ravinder lost his life while serving in his regiment in 2015. Neeru had married him in April 2013 itself and had a two-year-old daughter when she received the news of her husband’s demise.

Not one to break, she carried forward the responsibilities of a mother while deciding to step into shoes of her late husband.

Speaking for her struggles and motivation behind the decision, Lt. Neeru says, “I was married to Lt Riflemen Ravinder Singh Sambyal in April 2013. My husband was in the infantry. It was really difficult to accept the reality after he got martyred. But for me, my daughter is my inspiration. I never wanted her to feel the absence of her father and wished to fill for both roles, of a father and mother. That’s the motivation that helped me complete the 49 weeks of training. I got commissioned on 8th September 2018. Being in army one has to be mentally strong as there are times when one has to face situations where physical strength won’t matter much.”

Lt. Neeru got full support of her family. Both paternal and maternal sides backed her, in achieving her dreams.

Expressing delight over the success of her daughter, Neeru’s father Darshan Singh Slathia says, “I am very happy and proud of her achievement. I did whatever it took to support her. Her maternal family also deserves credit for the same. It was my daughter’s choice to join the army. Initially, it was a little difficult for us to accept her decision but after consultations, we decided to support her wholeheartedly in achieving her dreams. During her journey of becoming an officer, Commanding Officer of my late son-in-law also provided great support.”

Talking about the struggles of her daughter he adds, “She was competing against 26 ladies during her Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) selection exam. Today I am happy and proud that her struggles have borne fruits. What more a parent can ask for?”